The PCP and RIM's Development.

Luis Quispe lquispe at
Thu Apr 18 21:58:38 MDT 1996

[Editor's Note. To the supporters of the Peruvian revolution and readers
of this list: We want to clarify that the Peru People's Movement (MPP)
(organizations generated by the PCP abroad), especially in Sweden, does not
have any relationship with the individual Rolf Martens. He has been
slandering the Communist Party of Peru under the disguise of denouncing
Co-RIM and "defending the PCP." This individual does not understand the
political and ideological line of the PCP and has never participated
in organizations associated with the PCP to which he claims to have
"inside information." We were informed by PCP supporters in Sweden that
Martens' divisive tactics has caused splits in many progressive
organizations. We are not going to please the few anti-communists and
reactionaries in this list such as the snitches of the Socialist Workers
Party (SWP), Nacla, "leftist observer" and the "pigs" by trying to
engage answering the diatribes of the brain-child of Lyndon LaRouche "Rolf
Martens" who is singing in this list the same music of our enemies.
We would better have a proven reactionary debating us than a fake
claiming to be "protecting the the PCP from the little Avakian."
We have already send MIM on permanent vacation after his brief
trafficking with our struggle. We must not allow individualist scribblers
who enjoy to take part in soap operas of the reactionaries in a futile
attempt to promote themselves. The PCP does not have "comandantes,"
"ambassadors" or "crowds." The masses make history! The Party leads.

We have asked all our support groups and organizations associated to the MPP
and The New Flag to suspend temporarily any political front and
"Mobilizations" with regard with recent calls made by other groups until
internal debates are completed.]


The history of the International Communist Movement is a glorious
process of struggle through which the Communists in the world have
fought, and continue to fight, for unity in order to attain their
unalterable goal: a Communist society.  In this heroic struggle, three
Internationals were forged.

The International Workers' Association, or First International, was
founded by Marx and Engels in 1864.  In hard struggle they opposed and
crushed the anarchistic positions of Bakunin and established that there
is only one doctrine of the proletariat: Marxism.  Lenin says that the
role fulfilled by the First International was to lay down the
ideological foundations of the doctrine of the proletariat.  This
International split, and when this was blamed on Marx and Engels, they
answered that if such a division had not occurred, the International
would have died in any case--killed by those who united in rejecting
principles.  The Second International was founded by Engels in 1889.  It
served to multiply organizations and parties, but with the death of
Engels, the emerging old-style revisionism was confronted and crushed by
Lenin.  This International became bankrupt in the First World War when
its leadership (Kautsky and Bernstein), instead of opposing the
imperialist world war in order to transform it into revolution,
supported the war of plunder and their own countries' bourgeoisie.
Thus, they turned into social-patriots.  In 1919 Lenin organized the
Third International, the Communist International, conceiving of it as a
fighting machine to carry out the world revolution and the establishment
of the proletarian dictatorship.  Two problems emerged in the Communist
International during the 1920s which were to have great repercussions:
The problem of Germany (or rather, the revolution in an advanced
country), and the problem of China (or revolution in a backward
country).  The situation became more acute with the emergence and
victory of fascism and the question on how to conceive the United Front.
 Thorez and Togliatti proposed revisionist opinions, seeking to support
rather than destroy the old order, while focussing solely on the
anti-fascist struggle.  In 1943 the International was dissolved, leaving
only an Information Committee.  It is an urgent task for Communists, and
for our Party, to evaluate the Communist International, especially its
VII Congress before World War II, and the role of Comrade Stalin.
The struggle of Communists to unite at an international level is long
and complex. This was shown in the struggle against contemporary
revisionism after World War II.  Tito was condemned in 1948.  The ideas
of Browder also played a negative role.  The Workers' and Communist
parties met in Moscow in 1957 and 1960 after the Twentieth Congress of
the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1956, in which
Khrushchev had already usurped the dictatorship of the proletariat in
the USSR, and assaulted it under the pretext of combating Comrade
Stalin.  However, the prestige of the USSR was still very great
throughout the world, and in such circumstances the meetings of 1957 and
1960 agreed on ambiguous positions, in spite of the firm, principled
positions upheld by the Communist Part of China (CPC) (especially those
of Chairman Mao), and the Party of Labor of Albania.  The positions of
Chairman Mao caused the CPSU to alter some of its positions, but the
positions of contemporary revisionism were systematized in 1961, when
the CPSU held its twenty-second Congress.

Chairman Mao, leading the CPC, summarized the essence of the new
revisionism systematized in the "three peacefuls" and the "two alls."
With "peaceful coexistence," Khrushchev had twisted the old thesis of
Lenin that distinguished between relationships among states to those
within states to propose that the general line of the international
Communist movement is "peaceful coexistence."  For Khrushchev, the
problem was to prevent war, because according to him, atomic weapons did
not distinguish between exploiters and exploited and men had to
fraternize in order to prevent the annihilation of humanity.  "Peaceful
transition" proposes that revolution no longer required revolutionary
violence but that one social system could be transformed into another
through the "peaceful route": through elections or parliamentarism.  The
concept of "peaceful emulation" expressed the idea that to destroy the
imperialist system, the socialist system had to emulate it in order to
demonstrate to the imperialists that the socialist system is superior,
and thus encourage the imperialists to become socialists.  The "state of
the whole people" was the revisionist thesis with which Khrushchev
intended to deny the class character of the state.  It was specifically
aimed against the dictatorship of the proletariat.  The "party of the
whole people" was another monstrosity which denied the class character
of the Party as the party of the proletariat.  Khrushchev maintained
that the Twenty-second Congress of the CPSU was the new program of the
Communists, and thus the Communist Manifesto was substituted by the
bourgeois slogans of "liberty," "equality," and "fraternity".  The
Manifesto is the program of the Communists, and its negation generated
and sharpened the struggle between Marxism and revisionism.
On June 14, 1963, the "Proposal on the General Line of the International
Communist Movement" (also known as "the Chinese letter") was published.
 Then the "Nine Commentaries," in which Chairman Mao and the CPC
brilliantly criticized and crushed modern revisionism in all aspects,
were circulated.

We understand that Chairman Mao and the CPC felt that because the
political and ideological base--which had to be Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tse-tung Thought--had not yet been defined it was inconvenient to form a
new Communist International in such circumstances.  This was mainly due
to the fact that the Party of Labor of Albania, led by Enver Hoxha, did
not accept Mao Tse-tung Thought and advocated an International based
only on Marxism-Leninism, disregarding the new developments.  In
essence, Hoxha was opposed to Mao Tse-tung Thought.

The growing influence of Chairman Mao in the world unfolded with the
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.  The CPC focused on very urgent
problems, such as recovering power in the People's Republic of China
>from the usurpation of the revisionists Liu Shaochi and Teng Hsiao-ping,
and on the method to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of
the proletariat.  Chairman Mao became the great teacher of the
proletariat and the leader of the world revolution, in the class
struggle at home and in the struggle against revisionism on the
international level.  His thought developed into the third stage of
Marxism.  In that era, Communists referred to this development as "Mao
Tse-tung Thought."  The Communist Party of Peru (PCP) adopted
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought as the basis of party unity at the
Sixth National Conference in January 1969.  This was achieved as a
result of the struggle of President Gonzalo and the Red Fraction of the
Party that had been adhering to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought
since 1966.  President Gonzalo upheld the positions of Chairman Mao as
early as 1962, and on the basis of that viewpoint, went on to forge the
Red Fraction of the PCP.  The authentic Communists were waiting for the
CPC to define Maoism as the third stage of Marxism, but with the death
of Chairman Mao in September 1976, the Chinese revisionists pulled off a
counter-revolutionary coup aimed at Chairman Mao and his thought.
Thereafter, the unity of the Marxists encountered serious and complex
problems, but the Communist Party of Peru remained firm and unshakable
in the defense of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, immediately
denouncing the counter-revolutionary coup and the revisionist usurpation
in China.  It was at that time that the Broadened Political Bureau of
the PCP in October 1976 declared, "To be a Marxist is to adhere to
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought."

With the death of Chairman Mao and the revisionist usurpation in China
by Teng and his gang, the Communists were left scattered in the world
without a center or base for world revolution; the
counter-revolutionaries brandished their claws to negate Chairman Mao
and the validity of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought, unleashing
the triple revisionist assault of Teng Hsiao-ping (Chinese revisionism),
Hoxha (Albanian revisionism), and Brezhnev (Russian revisionism).  In
the face of this situation, in 1979, at the PCP's First National
Conference, President Gonzalo called upon the whole party to defend and
apply Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought against the revisionist
triple assault.   The Party's principled positions remained firm and
unalterable.  In 1980, the PCP launched the People's War based on
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought.  And it is with the application
and development of the People's War that the PCP has advanced further in
the comprehension of Maoism as the third stage of Marxism.  Hence, at
the Second National Conference held in May 1982 the Party agreed that
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism was the third stage of Marxism.  The PCP was the
only party in the world in the vanguard of the  defense of Maoism,
assuming the task of struggling for the unity of the
Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of the world so that this ideology be the
command and guide of the world and Peruvian revolutions.
The application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism must be specific to each
revolution, so that it does not become a mechanical formula.  For this
reason, the Peruvian Revolution has generated President Gonzalo and
Gonzalo Thought, which is the main principle in the basis of Party
unity.  Each revolution must specify its guiding thought, without which
there can be no application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, nor any
revolutionary development.

In the Fall of 1980, 13 Communist parties and organizations signed a
statement, "To the Marxist-Leninists, Workers, and the Oppressed of All
Countries," calling upon Communists to unite around Marxist-Leninist
struggle and to uphold Chairman Mao, but without representing Maoism as
a new stage with universal validity.  The Revolutionary Communist Party,
USA (RCP-USA) principally led this effort.  In 1983 the RCP-USA
contacted the PCP and invited it to sign the 1980 statement.  The PCP
opposed such a statement since Mao Tse-tung Thought was not considered
therein; furthermore, we were already basing ourselves on
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.  In March 1984, the Second Conference of these
organizations was held and the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement
(RIM) was founded which approved a joint declaration, referring to
uniting around Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought.

Our position on the participation of the PCP in RIM is condensed in a
letter written to the Committee of RIM dated October 1986: "We wish to
reiterate two questions about this issue.  First, from the beginning of
our ties, the origin of our differences was the substantive and decisive
question of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the only, true and new stage in
the development of proletarian ideology, of universal validity, having
Maoism as the key issue.  Therefore, our objection to the choice of
‘Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought.'  Nevertheless, we have thought
and still think that the resolution of this matter, which for us is
indispensable as a point of departure, is complex, demands time, and
especially revolutionary development."

"Second, in signing the Declaration produced by the Second Conference
which founded the RIM, we did so with observations and even clear
differences, which were briefly explained.  We reiterated these issues
in meetings, reports, and communications which clearly indicate
differences on the principle contradiction, the revolutionary situation
of unequal development, on world war, and on some criteria on the role
of the Movement, and other more important issues, such as the universal
validity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and in particular the general
validity of People's War (the expression of proletarian military theory
that our class has developed completely with Chairman Mao Tse-tung), and
our insistence in always raising the great slogan, "Proletarians of all
countries, unite!"  Nevertheless, we thought and continue to think that
the Declaration constituted and continues to constitute a relative basis
of unity, whose development and improvement will be demanded by the
advance of our Movement, as facts are clearly demonstrating already."
"Presently, the Declaration is repudiated by some as opportunist.
Others assert that it is useless to resolve the burning problems that
the revolution demands, and therefore, we should move on to a new
declaration.  The PCP believes that the RIM faces problems on various

On the ideological level, it needs to advance towards the understanding
of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.  This  advance is principal, and even
political development hinges upon it.

On the political level, it needs to advance in defining the fundamental
contradictions, and the principal global contradiction, the question of
the Third World War, and that revolution is the main tendency, and in
the event that imperialist war becomes a reality, we must transform it
into people's war.

In regards to this construction, what political lines we must follow to
achieve the establishment of the International that we need, which must
continue the glorious International Communist Movement.
Concerning mass work, our point of departure are the slogans "The masses
make history," "It's right to rebel," and "The  colossal garbage
heap..." [of revisionism and opportunism that must be swept
away--Trans.]  The purpose of mass work is to begin and develop people's

In regards to leadership, it is a key issue, which requires time for its
formation, development, and credibility.
In regards to two-line struggle, it is not being handled as it should be
[in RIM--Trans.].

These are problems of development, but if they are not addressed justly
and correctly, they can cause disarticulation, and such negative
possibilities necessarily cause us concern.  We believe that the
Committee of the RIM aims to impose the denomination of
"Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought," trying to frame us within the
Declaration, and thus resolve the problems of leadership of the
Committee, which leads us to believe in the existence of hegemonic

Taking the above situation into account, the Fourth National Conference
of the PCP  (October 1986) reaffirmed our intention to constitute a
fraction within the International Communist Movement in order to place
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as the command and guide of
the world revolution.  We call to: "Uphold, Defend, and Apply
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Principally Maoism!" since only through this
can the international proletariat, through its Communist Parties, lead
the conquest of power and emancipate the oppressed so they can
emancipate themselves as a class.

We are for the reconstitution of the Communist International, and we
regard the  Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as a step in that
direction.  It will serve this purpose as long as it upholds and follows
a just and correct ideological and political line.

The struggle to make Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, the
command and guide  of world revolution will be long, complex and
difficult, but in the end, the  Marxist-Leninist-Maoists of the world
will succeed.  Marxism has not taken a step forward in its life without


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