Revolution & Peasant Rondas (II)

Luis Quispe lquispe at
Wed Aug 21 21:10:18 MDT 1996

                   Part 2 of 2 articles.

In 1983, senderologist Degregori stated that "the people were
being caught in the middle of the violence of the PCP and the
Army" (Degregori, IPS, 1985) but in early 1993, in support of the
psychological warfare of the Army, he stated that "Sendero was
defeated, due to the capture of its leader, Abimael Guzman. The
people now back the armed forces" (Degregori y Rivera, IPS,
1993.) Thus, Degregori shamelessly dropped his theory that the
"people were caught in the middle" to "the people being united
with the armed forces." The last one is his true reactionary
position, no more disguises: Degregori is a propagandist of the
murderous Peruvian regime.

As part of the imperialist guidance on Low Intensity Warfare, the
political work of the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), such
as the IEP, and a myriad of anti-Communist religious
organizations have proliferated in Ayacucho. The activities of
the U.S. and right wing Christian and Evangelical groups waging
ideological work along the counterinsurgency activities of the
Army, have increased considerably since 1980. Evangelical
organizations working jointly with the Army and the paramilitary
Rondas gather intelligence information disguised as managers of
small community projects, and among these are the California
based World Vision. The trafficking of handouts of food and used
clothing by the NGOs in exchange for participation in pro-
government rallies, also takes place. The counterinsurgent
political activities of the regime also exist under a diversity
of covers. For example, Foncodes (Fund for Social Development),
PAR (Repopulation Program) are closely working with the military
and the rondas to mobilize masses against masses.

We must emphasize, however, that some of the "social actions" of
the NGOs and the regime (regardless of its real objectives) are
sometimes seen by the poor masses as a beneficial by-product of
the People's War. For instance, this is seen when the communities
suspected of being supporters of the PCP (many armed), demand
sewage or water services from the reactionary government and the

Also, under the bloody bayonets of the Army, the peasants living
in communities under military occupation, are being forced to
listen to the national anthem and to wave the flag of the
Peruvian oppressor everyday (white and red), flags that at night
time, are transformed into the red flag of the international
proletariat, which at dawn, proudly wave on top of the hills
surrounding the city Huamanga, the capital of Ayacucho.

The third falsification of the IEP is to legitimize the butcher
Fujimori who is presented as "a democrat elected by the majority
of the people."  In the election of 1995, as well in the previous
presidential elections, less than 30% of the registered people
voted in the election. From this quantity of registered voters,
notwithstanding the death threats, fines, imprisonment, fraud,
and the military interference in the charade of "democratic
elections," less than 18% voted for Fujimori.  This shows the
failure of the counter-insurgency efforts of imperialism and its
puppet Fujimori in Peru, and the fact that the New Power
organized in the People's Committees is alive and healthy in
Ayacucho. It shows that the consolidation of the People's
Committees in Ayacucho is irreversible, due to the failure of the
military and the economic policies of the government. In
addition, the deep contradictions of the people with the Army-run
peasant rondas, and the demoralization of the military, are
evident in many clashes among the reactionaries.

On the other hand, the People's War has brought up a qualitative
leap in the social relations between the rural areas and the
cities, the relations between the poor peasants and the
bourgeoisie have been redefined, and most importantly, the new
role of women in society, is the contradiction that will
eventually culminate in the total liberation of the country from
the claps of imperialism, and its puppet regime in Peru.

Fujimori's Agrarian Law (Ley de Tierras, Decreet No. 26505) seeks
the destruction of the peasant communities by means of an
urbanization program, and the purchase of their lands by big
landowners and corporations. But so far, because of the lack of
funds and the fear of being smashed by the peasant combatants in
the People's War, all they can do is to change the names of some
"communities" to "districts."  Another tactic of the
reactionaries is the construction of highways in rural areas
(something they never did in centuries!) to transport the troops,
and introduce heavy artillery weapons and small planes against
the PCP, which has to be seen also as a contradiction. The
highways may also benefit the People's War. Would the
reactionaries build highways or schools if there wasn't in place
a vigorous People's War? Of course not.

The above explains why the PCP never attacked the Glass of Milk
Programs run by women in Ayacucho and other parts of the country
(they only shut down if they are directly controlled by the
military or rondas.)  The same Isabel Coral (an opportunist
politician) who periodically slanders the revolution, had to
recognize that the PCP, as a matter of policy, doesn't target
independent mass organizations such as the Glass of Milk Program
in Peru.

The fourth falsification of the senderologists is to distort and
demonize the role of women in the Peruvian revolution. The
women's participation in the People's War and society in general
is an undeniable achievement of the revolution. For instance, it
is interesting to see how in Ayacucho, the People's War has
revolutionized the gender (male/female) relationship. The PCP
thesis described in the book "Marxism, Mariategui & the Feminist
Movement, PCP Central Committee, 1976" written by President
Gonzalo(See the PCP Web Page, Internet,, has been successfully
implemented in the midst of the revolution. It is remarkable to
understand the role of women in the People's Committees. Their
participation, together with their male comrades, has been the
key factor to defeat the reactionary army in Ayacucho and
consolidate the People's Committees, that today (1996), shine in
Peru. The PCP upholds that "under capitalism and
industrialization, `women make advances on the road to their
emancipation.' However, under this system, women do not even
reach full legal equality. For this reason, the genuine Feminist
Movement is solidly identified with the revolutionary movement...
Woman (as well as man), is a social product, and her
transformation demands the transformation of society." In other
words, the true emancipation of women, demands the victory of the
People's War.

In sum, the people of Ayacucho, bastion and fortress of the
Peruvian revolution, fueled and inspired by their extreme
poverty, continue their heroic armed struggle against imperialism
and native reaction, with a vitality never seen before in the
history of Peru! They are steeled and tested in more than 16
years of the victorious People's War, led by the party of the
Peruvian proletariat, the PCP.


Organizational structure of the army-run paramilitary rondas aka
Self-Defense Committees (Comites de Autodefensa Civil, DECAS.)

            Political and Military Chief of the Regional Front
           (An Army General and U.S. military advisors)
             Central Base of the paramilitary rondas
             (A directive and 4 operational commands.
             Civilian U.S. & Israeli intelligence advisors)
                  Local Military Base
                (Joint Navy & Army Military Base)
     Three Ronda Zonal Committees and 3 pagos (local armed force)
         Police Precinct (only in areas close to the cities)
      Paramilitary special commands named tigre, condor, etc.
      generally used as cannon fodders or mass killers.
Peru People's Movement (MPP), August 1996.
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E-Mail:lquispe at
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