PERU: Report on the Civil War (II)

Luis Quispe lquispe at
Sun Feb 18 22:29:08 MST 1996

[From Diario International No. 27, January 1996]

                   REPORT ON THE CIVIL WAR

Another aspect of the country's militarization is the increase in the
entry the State makes under defense expenditures. In 1990 Peru's
annual budget for military expenditures was (all figures in US dollars)
$1.25 billion. By 1995, this sum reaches $1.879 billion. That is, over
$5 million daily. (3) In 1995, military expenditures account for 50% of
the country's exports.

The official figures we show on Table 4, although high, must be
watched carefully: since they do not reflect the total expenditures by
the armed and police forces. The Army, Navy and Air Force handle
secret accounts which do not appear anywhere in the annual budget of
the Republic. Neither the Constituent Congress, nor the Judicial Power,
have authority enough to look into these "special accounts"
of the military. Another source of financing for the military comes
from drug trafficking. Many officers receive somewhere between
$15,000 and $20,000 for each plane loaded with drugs that takes off
army controlled airports. Testimonies by drug traffickers reveal how
this drug trafficking mafia makes "special donations" so as to
"improve" the feeding of the troops.

The amounts assigned in the annual State budget and the secret and
"special" accounts are not the only sources of financing of the Armed
Forces. According to laws passed under Fujimori, the Armed Forced
can make use of any of the resources of the State they see fit, to
develop their counterinsurgency strategy. The "National
Mobilization Law" No. 733 of November 1991 gives the Armed Forces
absolute power to use at their discretion of any "goods and services
required for National Defense. And indeed the resources of the
municipalities, Regional Corporations and the goods
of the various ministries are used by the military troops.

To conclude the first part of this article, we can point out that Peru is
country experiencing an internal civil war and that the Maoist guerrilla
is the number one problem of the State and government. The three
elements of the militarization of the country (territories under state of
emergency, gigantic military apparatus, large war expenditures)
delineate the whole social and political process of the Peruvian society.

It is in this context that the rigid laws of internal warfare are kept in
force: such as the military courts, the "masked judges," the summary
trials and life sentences for "treason to the fatherland," and so on. Part
an parcel of the process of militarization of the country is the power
acquired by organs like SIN in matters of the State. This organization,
structured into the State like a veritable GESTAPO, has no limits to its
powers and its sinister ramifications span the whole ambit of civilian
and military Peruvian life.

The diagnostic we have made on the militarization delivers the evidence
that the much taunted "Peruvian Peace" is just a propaganda trick and
staged publicity by the means of communications. The Peruvian State
retains its repressive and criminal structure. This process has yet to
touch bottom and will continue to develop at the same speed in which
the liberation struggle and the people's war advance.


(1) Article published in the July 1994 magazine "Command in Action."
A publication edited by the Joint Command of the Armed Forces.

(2) "Civic Activities" by the Army are those of a "humanitarian nature"
the Army does in urban and rural poor settlements, such as handouts of
food stuffs, flour and other products resulting from international
donations, or health and vaccinations of children campaigns, or
animation of festivities and distribution of school supplies. The object
of these "civic activities" remains to militarily control the

(3) Les Equilibres Militaires 1989-1990 (The Military Balance. llSS).
Military expenditures projections are taken from the magazine Caretas
of February 1995.

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