hariette spierings hariette at
Mon Jun 3 20:31:35 MDT 1996



IN BELGIUM (26/02/94)

by Adolfo Olaechea


If we look at the history of the world proletarian revolution we
can in this last process also observe three distinct moments or
stages: strategic defensive, strategic equilibrium and strategic

The period of strategic defensive culminated with the defeat of
fascist aggression and with its extremely important victory in
China the revolution entered fully into strategic equilibrium. This
historical development was aptly summed up by Chairman Mao
Tse-tung's famous phrase:'The East wind prevails over the West

Although progress prevailed in strategic terms and in historical
perspective in this era there were still no conditions for the
proletarian forces to obliterate the bourgeois imperialist world
order.  But simultaneously, the old imperialist bourgeoisie was
also unable to smash the revolution.

Joseph Stalin wrote Economic Problems of Socialism in 1952.  In it
he gave a crisp synthesis of the economic and political background
upon which the new moment continued to develop and intensify:

"The basic economic law of modern capitalism - meaning the
capitalism of the monopolies and trusts, imperialism - can be
formulated roughly in this way: The securing of the maximum
capitalist profit through the exploitation, ruin and impoverishment
of most of the population of the given country, through the
enslavement and systematic robbery of the peoples of other
countries, especially backward countries, and, lastly through wars
and militarisation of the national economy, which are used for the
obtaining of the highest profits".

In this framework we can observe advances for the world's people,
but also retrenchment of the bourgeoisie within the imperialists
countries. The appearance of modern revisionism in the Soviet Union
was the greatest feather in their cap. Nevertheless, blow for blow,
the class forces of the proletariat disputed the bourgeoisie in
every arena within an strategic equilibrium.  In this context the
Cultural Revolution in China was the greatest blow dealt by the
proletariat against the whole basis of the bourgeois order.  This
historical event spanned more than 10 years and involved hundreds
of millions of people in China and all over the world.  The
Cultural Revolution thus initiated an assault along the whole front
upon the "capitalist heaven": the bourgeois superstructure, the
roots of the division of labour and the kernel of the bourgeois
ideological outlook.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution did not take place in a
vacuum and was inscribed in the decade of the sixties and
seventies, a time when all the prevailing ideological roots of the
old order came under unprecedented attack the world over.
Moreover, it was the most powerful response of the proletariat to
the modern revisionism of Khrushchev, Liu Shao-shi and Deng Xiao
Ping.  Thus, after Chairman Mao's death and when the enemies of the
proletariat usurped state power in China, a new moment within the
strategic equilibrium developed.   On the one hand, the proletariat
and the peoples of the world continued their struggles in various
ways.  On the other hand, the bourgeoisie usurped state power over
the former socialist world.


An era of negation of proletarian leadership was ushered in with
the aim of obliterating the very idea of continuing the revolution
under the leadership of the proletariat and even the final goal,
communism. A general and unprecedented anti-Marxist offensive
spearheaded by imperialism and social- imperialism was unleashed
upon the achievements of the proletariat and the peoples. A
counter-revolutionary offensive aimed primarily against
revolutionary Marxism which they proclaimed, in all their forums
and by every means at their disposal, to be dead and buried.  This
reactionary offensive was again predicated upon the old reformist
tune: first, it was claimed that the road of the proletariat was no
longer to overthrow the old imperialist order by means of
revolutionary violence.  It was now to achieve a peaceful
transition.  Eventually the question of transition itself  was
glossed over and the aim, communism, given up as a hopeless ideal.
The traitors unmasked themselves and began promoting another form
of transition: their own transition to unbridled capitalism.

However, Stalin had already in 1952 referred to these theories:

"It is said that the average profit might nevertheless be regarded
as quite sufficient for capitalist development under modern
conditions.  That is not true.  The average profit is the lowest
point of profitability, below which capitalist production becomes
impossible.  But it would be absurd to think that, in seizing
colonies, subjugating peoples and engineering wars, the magnates of
modern monopoly capitalism are striving to secure only the average
profit.  No, it is not the average profit, nor yet superprofit -
which as a rule, represents only a slight addition to the average
profit - but precisely the maximum profit that is the motor of
monopoly capitalism.  It is precisely the necessity of securing the
maximum profits that drives monopoly capitalism to such risky
undertakings as the enslavement and systematic plunder of colonies
and other backward countries, the conversion of some independent
countries into dependent countries, the organisation of new wars -
which to the magnates of modern capitalism is the "business" best
adapted to the extraction of the maximum profit - and, lastly,
attempts to win world economic domination".

Every defender of accommodation with the order of exploitation has
always advocated this thesis of a moderate and reasonable
capitalism so well disposed of by Stalin.  If today Gorbachev and
Yeltsin can show even a dubious merit, it is that they have finally
demonstrated, in a way that can no longer be covered up with empty
phrases and May Day parades, what this actually means in practise
for the proletariat and the people.

Red flags have come down from the top of parliaments and the
Kremlin, from ministries and buildings, and the international
bourgeoisie has loudly proclaimed that communism is dead.  Does
this mean that the proletarian revolution has regressed and has
been forced back into the strategic defensive by capitalism, as
predicated today by the reactionary intellectuals?  Have we gone
back into strategic defensive?  Not at all.  We have, in fact,
entered the era of strategic offensive of the world proletarian


To those who believe that the overt revelation of the restoration
of capitalism in the former socialist world is a defeat for the
proletariat, we say: You are hiding the fact that capitalism was
restored from the moment the bourgeoisie usurped power from the
proletariat and overturned its dictatorship.  It should be
sufficient to consider how Lenin defined socialism to realise that
the fundamental question in socialism is the dictatorship of the
proletariat.  That for the class, besides power, everything else is
an illusion.

Using the form of  a mathematical formula, Lenin once expressed:
"State Capitalism + Dictatorship of the Proletariat = Socialism".
Those who, calling themselves Marxists, lament that the states
controlled by social-imperialism have revealed their true
character, forget that without the dictatorship of the proletariat
there is no socialism.  That without this dictatorship all that
remains of Lenin's formula is but state capitalism.  These people
do not even know the meaning of the phrase, "cast away illusions,
prepare for struggle".

The truth is that the bourgeoisie has only managed to transfer the
red flags from atop bureaucratic buildings to the hands of the
masses.  What can be wrong with that?.  Were not the masses the
ones who with their own blood had put them there in the first
place?   Cannot they, if they so want, place them back wherever
they like and do whatever it takes for it to be so?  The truth is
that the bourgeoisie is constructing an immense bonfire with the
dried tinder of their misdeeds against people all over the world.

The imperialist order can neither extricate itself from crisis nor
can it achieve the slightest degree of stability and their problems
are mounting daily.  It can still deal heavy blows but it cannot
justify its misrule in the slightest.  When class forces are
reckoned the imperialists and the bourgeois reactionaries of the
world are but a tiny  minority pitted against the interests of the
millions upon millions of the masses.  And amid these countless
millions there is a class with a rich experience of political power
and of constructing a new order, more just and more humane in every
way.  A class that has gained a new outlook and is continuing to
fight this tiny minority at every turn and on a world scale.  This
class is the proletariat, the legitimate leader of the democratic
forces of the world.  Its true strength lays there where it has
always been, in its consciousness, its organisation and its active
mobilisation to achieve its goals.  For this class state power,
even within the most revolutionary state, has value only as a tool
to advance its aim, communism.  In truth, does not this aim
precisely imply the abolition of all forms of the state?.

Today the proletariat's qualitative and quantitative strength is
greater than ever in its history.  The proletariat is ready to
accomplish its role as gravedigger of the dying imperialist system
and to build a new world.  This is the era of the strategic
offensive of which Chairman Mao spoke: The next 50 to 100 years in
which, amid the greatest epic of the class struggle, bourgeois
exploitation will be smashed and golden communism, the undying goal
of humanity, will arise.  An era in which "nations want
independence and people want liberation".


Then in 1980 the People's War in Peru broke out, marking the onset
of this era of strategic offensive of the world revolution.  Again,
and in the advanced conditions described above, the communists,
proletarians and true democrats of the world can clearly see that
their class continues to aim for the seizure of power under its own
flags.  Also a third, new and superior stage, more intense and more
combat ready, of the ideology that has historically impelled the
proletariat towards victory, arises as Maoism.   Moreover, this
ideology is validated by the concrete experience of the
revolutionary advance in Peru. That is the central achievement to
date of the Peruvian revolution and, in particular, of Chairman

This means that the class that is fighting against the old rotting
order of imperialism has again the necessary leadership for
smashing the imperialist chain in a part of the world, the
necessary leadership for achieving victory and projecting its power
and influence upon the world arena.  It means that by adopting
revolutionary Marxism as its indispensable outlook and guide and
with the active participation of all true communists,
revolutionaries and democrats, the world revolution may again
defeat the fascist offensive and renew its final assault upon the
ramparts of exploitation. That such a beacon of hope for democratic
peoples all over the world summons us to final battle against an
unjust and intolerable order, that all this is happening at a time
when the whole world cries out for solutions while the old society,
unable to offer alternatives collapses, that, more than anything
else, is the profoundest historical significance of the People's
War in Peru.


London June 3, 1996

We republish the above widely distributed document, in order to
show-up the ignorant twaddle of demagogues who are agitating the
stupid smoke screen that our Committee "does not speak about the
strategic offensive of the world revolution" in order to cover up
their total bankruptcy.  These people were, moeover, still
licking Avakian's spittle when we had already fundamented this
fundamental fact and basic element of Maoist Gonzalo Though doctrine
at large.

The question is not simply to "speak about the strategic
offensive", the question is to find the means to make it a reality!
Away with all demagogic pests!

Committee Sol - Peru

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