PCP-CC on the RIM

Maoist Internationalist Movement mim3 at blythe.org
Wed Jun 5 21:30:47 MDT 1996



Proletarians of all countries, Unite!

"The International Line of the PCP: Document of the Central
Committee: On the International Communist Movement and the
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement"

The History of the International Communist Movement is a glorious
process of struggle by means of which the communists of the world
have fought and continue to fight for their unity in order to attain
their unchanging goal, communist society. BOLD In this heroic
struggle three Internationals have come into existence. END BOLD

The International Workers Association or First International was
founded by Marx and Engels in 1864, in the thick of an acute
struggle and by debunking the anarchist positions held by Bakunin.
This struggle established Marxism as the sole doctrine of the
proletariat. Lenin said that the role accomplished by the
International had consisted of the establishment of the ideological
foundations of the proletarian ideology. The International then split
and Marx and Engels were accused of having caused this rift. They
countered by saying that if such a split would not have occurred, the
International would have died in any case, "murdered by unity
placed above principle."

The Second International was founded by Engels in 1889 and it
served for the proliferation of organizations and parties. When Engels
died the wild surge of the revisionists of the old school arose, whose
thesis, in turn, would eventually be fought and destroyed by Lenin.
This International became bankrupt during the First World War
when their leaders, such as Kautsky and Bernstein, far from
struggling against the imperialist war in order to turn it into
revolutionary war, went over to the side of their own plundering
bourgeoisie, turning themselves into social-patriots.

In 1919, Lenin founded the III International, the Communist
International. Lenin understood the International as a fighting
apparatus which must be used to further the cause of the world
revolution and the construction of the proletarian dictatorship. In the
1920's two very transcendental issues arose within the Communist
International. The German problem or the problem of the revolution
in an advanced country and the problem of China, or the problem of
the revolution in a backward country.

Later on the situation became more complicated due to the rise and
temporary victory of fascism and the pressing problem of how to
understand the question of the United Front. Regarding this problem,
there were a number of revisionist lines advanced by such people as
Togliatti and Thorez, lines who sought to buttress the old order
instead of bringing it down, centering the struggle solely within its
anti-fascist aspect.

This thesis was specifically directed against the dictatorship of the
proletariat. Another of his concoctions was the "Party of the Whole
People," thesis which negated the class character of the Party as the
Party of the proletariat.

With all these theses, Khruschev held that the XXII Congress of the
CPSU constituted the new program of the Communists, and therefore
substituted for the Communist Manifesto the bourgeois watchwords
"liberte, egalite, fraternite." [accents removed by MIM]

The Manifesto is the program of the Communists and its negation
aggravated and spurred the struggle between Marxism and
revisionism.

On the 14th of July 1963, the "Proposals On the General Line of the
International Communist Movement," a document also known as the
"Chinese Letter," was published and soon followed by the "9
Comments," a brilliant document issued by Chairman Mao and the
CPCH. With these documents all the theses of modern revisionism
were debunked and smashed.

We understand that Chairman Mao and the CPCH deemed the setting-
up of a new Communist International, as inconvenient under the
circumstances, given the lack of definition of the ideological-political
basis. This foundation had to be Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung
Thought. The Albanian Party of Labour led by Enver Hoxha, in
particular, wanted an International based solely upon Marxism-
Leninism, without taking on board the new stage this ideology had
reached. In essence Hoxha was opposed to Mao-Tsetung Thought.

BOLD With the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the growing
influence of Chairman Mao spread throughout the world. END The
Communist Party of China had to concentrate on very urgent
problems, such as regaining power within the People's Republic of
China, power that had fallen to the usurpation of revisionists such as
Liu-Shao-shi and Teng-Tsiao-Ping. Also, had to devote its energies to
the question of of the continuation of the revolution under the
conditions of proletarian dictatorship. It is through this process that
Chairman Mao, in the midst of the international and national class
struggles, becomes the great teacher of the proletariat and the leader
of the world revolution. His Thought, therefore becomes a third stage
of Marxism. At that time, we communists used to speak of Marxism-
Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought.

BOLD It was during its VI Conference of January 1969 that the
Communist Party of Peru established Marxism-Leninism-Mao-
Tsetung Thought as the basis of Party Unity. This was the result of
the struggle led by Chairman Gonzalo END and by the red faction
[MIM: perhaps more accurately translated as "fraction," not "faction"]
within the Party. The red faction within the Party had already come
out for Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought since 1966.
Moreover, Chairman Gonzalo had up-held Mao's positions since 1962,
and on those foundations he had educated and forged the red faction
of the Party.

The true Communists had hoped that the CPCH would be the one to
define Maoism as a third stage of Marxism, but after Mao's death in
September 76, the Chinese revisionists took advantage to stage a
counter-revolutionary coup d'etat and proceeded to attack Chairman
Mao and his Thought.

As a consequence, the unity of the Marxists underwent serious and
complicated strains. However, the Communist Party of Peru remained
firm and unflinching in defense of Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung
Thought and proceeded to denounce and unmask the counter-
revolutionary coup, as well as the revisionist usurpation that had
taken place in China. It was then that the Extended Political Bureau
of October 1976 decreed: "To be a Marxist means to subscribe to
Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought."

BOLD After Chairman Mao's death and the revisionist Teng Tsiao-
Ping clique's usurpation in China, the Communists were left scattered
all over the world and bereft of a centre and base for the world
revolution. END BOLD

Counter-revolution rose its ugly head in order to negate Chairman
Mao and the validity of Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought.
Thus came the three pronged attack by the Chinese revisionists
headed by Teng Tsiao-ping, the Albanian revisionists headed by
Hoxha and the Soviet revisionists headed by Brezhnev.

BOLD Thus, during the I National Conference of November 1979,
Chairman Gonzalo issued a call to the whole Party to: "Uphold, Defend
and Apply" Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought, in order to
counter the threefold revisionist onslaught. END BOLD The Party
remained firm in unflinchingly carrying-out these principled
positions. In 1980, the Communist Party of Peru initiated the
People's War in accordance with the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-
Mao-Tsetung Thought. While applying and developing the People's
War, the Party advanced in understanding Maoism as a third stage of
Marxism.

Thanks to this understanding, during its BOLD II National Conference
of May 82, the Party was able to proclaim that Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism was the third stage of Marxism. BOLD END

Therefore, the Communist Party of Peru was the only party in the
world to occupy the vanguard in defending Maoism and in
undertaking the struggle for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist-
Maoists of the whole world, and to turn this ideology into the
commanding thought and the guiding light of the Peruvian and
World Revolutions.

In order to avoid mechanical applications, the application of
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism must be specific to each revolution.
Because of this, BOLD the Peruvian Revolution has given rise to
Chairman Gonzalo and to Gonzalo Thought, which is the principal
element and the cornerstone of Party Unity. END BOLD

Thus, each revolution must specify its own Guiding Thought,
otherwise there is no application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, nor
development of a revolution.

In the autumn of 1980, thirteen Communist Parties and organizations
signed a declaration: "To the Marxist-Leninists, the Workers and
Oppressed Peoples of all countries," calling upon the Communists to
unite on the basis of Marxism-Leninism. This call did uphold
Chairman Mao, but without considering him as a new stage. It did,
however, deny Mao's universal validity. This task was primarily the
outcome of the endeavour of the Revolutionary Communist Party of
the USA.

During 1983 the RCP-USA established relations with the Communist
Party of Peru and invited the Party to sign the declaration of 1980.
The Communist Party of Peru did not agree with this proposal
because in that declaration, Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung
Thought was not upheld. In any case, the Party was already standing
upon the ground  of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

BOLD In March 84, END BOLD the II Conference of these organizations
took place and BOLD the establishment of the Revolutionary
Internationalist Movement (RIM) was agreed. A joint declaration was
also issued. In the Declaration END BOLD there was a call to unite
around the Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought.

Our position on the question of the incorporation of the Communist
Party of Peru into the RIM was summarized in our letter to the
Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, dated
October 86: "On this point, we want to reiterate two questions. Firstly,
>from the start of our relationship, the central point of our differences
has been the fundamental and decisive question of Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism as the only, true and new stage of development
of the ideology of the proletariat; the question of the universal
validity of this ideology and, principally, the question of Maoism as
the key element of it. Therefore, we do not agree with the label of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought.

Nevertheless, we believe that the resolution of this, for  us an
indispensable starting point, is something complex, which requires
time and, especially, requires the continuation of the development of
the revolution.

Secondly, our signing of the Declaration which emerged from the II
Meeting, the meeting at which the RIM was founded, was done with
reservations and moreover with clear discrepancies which were
specifically and concisely registered. Moreover, these discrepancies
re-emerged during the course of several of our meetings, in our
reports and our correspondence. All these facts clearly demonstrate
the existence of differences on such issues as the principal
contradiction, the question of the revolutionary situation of uneven
development, the world war and on some criteria regarding the role
of the RIM.

Likewise, there are discrepancies on even more important points,
such as the universal validity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the
general validity of People's War as the expression of the military
theory of the proletariat, a theory which the class has only been able
to enshrine completely and totally thanks to Chairman Mao-Tsetung.
Also, there was the question of our insistence on always putting
forward the great slogan of "Proletarians of All Countries Unite!"

Nevertheless, we thought, and still think, that the Declaration
contained, and still contains, a basis for relative unity and that this
situation demands resolution and superseding. This is a question
which will eventually be poised by the very advance and
development of the Movement, as is already clearly being
demonstrated in practice.

"Today, the Declaration has been criticized by some comrades as an
opportunist declaration, while others consider it as of no use in
resolving the pressing problems of the revolution. Therefore, these
comrades hold that we must move forward to a new Declaration."

BOLD "The Communist Party of Peru considers that the RIM faces
problems in a number of different levels: END BOLD On the
ideological level, it must advance in understanding Marxism-
Leninism-Maoism.

This is the principal advance needed, and upon this, its mere political
development depends.

On the political level, it must advance on the question of the
definition of the fundamental and principal contradictions in the
world; on the question of the third world war; on the question of the
revolution being the main trend and on that of the transformation of
the imperialist war into a people's war in the event of the imperialist
war breaking-out.

On the organizational level, the question of the building-up process:
Which line must be followed in order to attain the International we
need. An International which must be a continuation of the Glorious
International Communist Movement.

On the question of working among the masses, we ourselves depart
>from the principle that "the masses make history," "rebellion justifies
itself" and from the concept of "the colossal mountain of garbage." We
also hold that our work among the masses is geared towards the
start-up or towards the development of the People's War.

On the question of leadership: This is a key issue and time is
required to train, develop and establish recognized authority.

On the question of "two line struggle," there is incorrect handling of
this question.

All these are problems of development, but if they are not correctly
and squarely handled, these can bring about lack of coordination and
splits. These negative possibilities are certainly worrying.

We consider that the Committee of the RIM is attempting to impose
the label of "Marxism-Leninism-Mao-Tsetung Thought," to constrain
the Commuist Party of Peru within the limits of the Declaration and
to resolve the Committee's problems in a manner which causes us to
worry about the existence of hegemonic trends.

Taking this situation into account, we re-emphasize the decision of
the IV National Conference of the Communist Party of Peru which
took place in October 86: BOLD "The Communist Party of Peru will
work as a faction within the Revolutionary Internationalist
Movement, with the objective of enshrining Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism, principally Maoism, as the command and guiding light of the
world revolution." END BOLD

"We issue a call to Uphold, Defend and Apply Marxism-Leninism-
Maoism, principally Maoism. Only thus will the international
proletariat by means of its Communist Parties be in a position to lead
in the seizure of Power and the emancipation of the oppressed in
order to emancipate itself as a class."

"We are for the reconstitution of the Communist International and
we regard the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as a step
into that direction. The RIM will only serve for that purpose if it
bases itself on an ideologically correct and just line."

The struggle to impose Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally
Maoism, as the command and guiding light of the world revolution,
will be a long, complex and hard struggle. However, in the end, we
Marxist-Leninists-Maoists of the world, will succeed. In this world,
Marxism has never taken a single step forward in life without
struggle.

GLORY TO THE INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAT!
LONG LIVE THE WORLD PROLETARIAN REVOLUTION!
UPHOLD, DEFEND AND APPLY MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM,
GONZALO THOUGHT, PRINCIPALLY GONZALO THOUGHT!

CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU


MIM comments: It has become necessary to release this document
written while Gonzalo was still free because of the RIM attack on the
proletarian camp.

The first thing we would point out is that in the very first paragraph,
it says there have only been three Internationals. That means RIM is
not an International. It also means the PCP did not agree to
centralism under a Co-RIM. THERE IS NO ACKNOWLEDGED AND
LEGITIMATE CENTRALISM WITHIN THE RIM. Any claim by the RCP-
USA or the RIM to be the only ones able to speak for the PCP is
therefore bogus, and a reason in itself for the RIM to be dissolved.

There is no reason for people in Detroit or Australia to follow
Quispe's good RCP mask with their tails behind their legs. Nor is there
any reason "to save the RIM at all costs," except to protect RCP-USA
revisionism. Quite the contrary, the whole spirit of the document is
struggle.

In fact, our first task is to enshrine Maoism as the third stage the
document says, and obviously that is not happening since the arrest
of Gonzalo and RIM documents coming out calling for the "principal
task" to be the saving of Gonzalo and another task being attacks on
Luis Arce Borja.

As we have already pointed out, we disagree with the PCP on
questions of international organization. We stick with what Mao said
on this "epoch" and we believe the Communist Party of the
Philippines has good guidelines for the conduct of multilateral
relations. All that is to say we are opposed to the reconstitution of
the International. Such a question should be debated in the open,
because there is no wider discipline holding us together.

The RCP-USA calls the RIM the "emerging international center" and
it's clear the PCP wanted such a center. It is far from clear that the
RIM as it is, is an "emerging international center" from the PCP point
of view. That is up for grabs and we should struggle over the
question.



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