hariette spierings hariette at
Thu May 9 15:59:02 MDT 1996

                  Proletarians of all countries, unite!

                        WITHIN THE REVOLUTIONARY

                                PART 1 OF 5

                              Document from
                       Committee Sol Peru - London
                              October 1994

                A Red Star Information Bureau Publication

London 12/10/94

"A form has now been found for the rectification movement, namely, speaking
out freely, airing views fully, holding great debates and writing
big-character posters". Chairman Mao Tse-tung - Have Firm Faith in the
Majority of the People, October 17, 1957.

"The unity of opposites is the fundamental concept of dialectics.  In
accordance with this concept, what should we do with a comrade who has made
mistakes?.  We should first wage a struggle to rid him of his wrong ideas.
Second, we should also help him. We should proceed from good intentions to
help him correct his mistakes so that he will have a way out. However,
dealing with persons of another type is different. Towards persons like
Trotsky and like Chen Tu-hsiu, Chang Kuo-tao and Kao Kang in China, it was
impossible to adopt a helpful attitude, for they were incorrigible".
Chairman Mao Tse-tung -  Dialectical Approach to Inner-Party Unity. November
18, 1957.


In the context of the victorious development of the Maoist-led revolution in
Peru, one of the negative consequences of the capture of Chairman Gonzalo,
the leader of the Communist Party of Peru, has been the plot of peace
negotiations sprung by imperialism and the fascist regime of Fujimori.  This
reactionary manoeuvre was set in motion with the support of a handful of
renegade capitulators.

In the course of their treason these renegades have committed ever more
crimes against the people and the revolution. The ringleaders of this gang
have today heavy blood debts with the proletariat and the people of Peru.
Since they have proven incorrigible and incapable of rectification, they can
only be objects of struggle and not of help.  In the case of these
ringleaders, we are dealing with
true enemies of the people and not simply with deluded people.

However, despite the failure of the policy of the pro-imperialist regime in
fostering capitulation within the ranks of the Communist Party of Peru, a
crisis of development within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement has
now arisen.

For now, we should consider these differences as contradictions within the
people, and for that very reason it is imperative to solve these correctly,
using the Maoist method of struggle and help. First struggle and then help.
Open struggle, massive and public, that all may speak freely, that all points of
view can be put across and debates may take place. If we all proceed in this
fashion, we shall be able to resolve these problems in a satisfactory way
and this struggle will serve to further promote the Movement.

However, people insisting on following a different road will not be forgiven
by the masses.  They will regard them as incorrigible individuals, like
Trotsky and like Chen Tu Hsiu.

As we all already know, on October 1, 1983, Fujimori, the tyrant who acts as
president of the old Peruvian state, went before the UN General Assembly and
announced to the world the 'surrender' of the Peruvian Maoists, bragging of
his empty victories.  The objective of this political stunt was to allay the
fears of the international banks and to win time in his struggle against a
revolution that is continuing its unstoppable advance.

To carry out this plan, the regime has resorted to a psychological warfare
plot of impeccable Yankee pedigree: forged videos and letters that vainly
attempt to use the figure of Chairman Gonzalo to induce the Peruvian
communists, the proletariat and the people, to shun the road of People's War
and capitulate before fascist tyranny and imperialism.

Confronting this plot, the Communist Party of Peru has continued to develop
the People's War and carry out its Sixth and Penultimate Military Plan for
the Seizure of Power in the Whole Country.

Thus, the revolutionaries aim at successfully completing the current stage
of strategic equilibrium and at developing the strategic offensive of the
Peruvian revolution.


The smashing blows of the People's War in the countryside and in the cities
have fully demonstrated today that the purported peace negotiations between
Fujimori and Chairman Gonzalo were nothing but a fraud engineered by
imperialism.  Moreover, the Central Committee of the Party has issued
numerous documents denouncing this fraud and rejecting any negotiations with
the fascist tyranny aimed at 'bringing the People's War to an end'.

It has been clearly established that this reactionary plot was hatched with
the complicity of a handful of opportunist traitors and infiltrated agents.
It has also been established that, at the international level, these
traitors are led by 'the individual in Sweden' and the sidekicks he had
appointed as heads of the Peru People's Movement (MPP) of certain European
countries.  It is also
a fact that these turncoats who serve the fascist Fujimori tyranny were
representing the PCP within the International Committee of the RIM, and that
now, they have been unmasked, condemned and denounced by the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Peru.

Currently, within the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement itself, and
taking advantage of the confusion generated by the liquidators' plot,
opportunism has again lifted its ugly head and is generating problems that,
if not correctly solved, can have negative effects on the advance of Maoism
in the world and damage the international movement in support of the
People's War in


To this date, and despite the People's War advances and the PCP's victories
against reaction in Peru, despite numerous and growing protests throughout
the world against the fraudulent plot of the pro-imperialist tyranny and its
accomplices, the International Committee of the Movement, bureaucratically
controlled by the followers of the Revolutionary Communist Party USA, refuses to
come out in the open to condemn the puny gang of traitors that organised the
fraud of letters and videos together with the fascist regime of Fujimori.

On the contrary, the International Committee of the RIM continues to
maintain secret relations with the chieftain of the capitulators gang, 'the
individual in Sweden', despite the PCP having warned, condemned, and
denounced his activities in its International Directive of December 1, 1993,
addressed to the MPPs, the Sol Peru Committees and other Support Committees
for the Peruvian revolution in the rest of the world.

Moreover, recently the Revolutionary Communist Party of the USA (RCP-USA),
member of the RIM, has adopted a policy of refusing its bookshops to carry
the literature of the Peru People's Movement of the USA because it is
directed against this treason and publicises the documents of the Central
Committee of the PCP confirming this just position.

On the other hand, this party, and also the International Committee of the
RIM, is  circulating the black propaganda about the People's War churned out
by Fujimori's agents to promote defeatism and capitulation on the pretext of
'studying' these materials before taking up a position.

In practice, the International Committee of the RIM and the RCP USA which
controls it, are adopting a totally liberal position in this respect,
forgetting that the RIM is not, and cannot ever be, a high school debating
society.  The RIM is either a fighting machine for the proletariat in order
to advance
the world revolution or it is nothing.


This pedantic attitude of the bureaucracy of the IC of the RIM in dealing
with reaction and with revolution like some sort of 'even handed professors'
is equivalent to disowning the leadership of the Communist Party of Peru:
its Central Committee.  In synthesis, this attitude is tantamount to
betrayal of the most elementary principles of the Movement and directly
serves the class enemy in validating the basic aim of Fujimori's plot:
Fostering a split in the PCP.

The pretext trotted out by the IC of the RIM for its opportunist and
stubborn position is to allege that, as far as they are concerned, there are
two currents within the PCP: one in favour and another against the peace
negotiations.  In this cynical manner they stamp their own bureaucratic seal
to certify and validate the reactionary plot of the dictatorship and the
imperialist propaganda claiming precisely a purported 'split within the PCP'.

This attitude of the International Committee of the RIM is totally
unacceptable and unprincipled. It is a hypocritical position fostering
splits and threatening the liquidation of the RIM itself.


To avoid misunderstandings, the true background of this two line struggle
within the RIM should be clearly presented before the masses. It is
important to begin by noting the incontrovertible facts: to emphasise that
the PCP, from the very first moment of its incorporation in this movement,
held that the RIM was merely a step in the direction of the reconstruction
of the International Communist
Movement; that the basis of unity of the RIM was only relative; that the RIM
had serious problems of line; that it had hegemonic tendencies, principally
at the level of the International Committee; and that if these problems were
not overcome, the Movement could not advance in its tasks.

Therefore, the struggle that Maoism faces within the RIM, is a struggle to
rescue this movement from those shortcomings, a struggle to propel it
forward.  The RIM must cease to be a 'gentleman's club' where the handful of
people controlling the RCP USA are able to do as they please: recognise and
de-recognise parties while arbitrarily guiding the Movement by an overt
bourgeois line.

However, in order to carry out this struggle in a principled manner, it is
necessary to raise it to an ideological plane and reveal the theoretical
roots underpinning the current right-wing opportunist line these people are

The Revolutionary Internationalist Movement began to emerge in 1980, when 13
Communist parties and organizations signed a declaration 'To the
Marxist-Leninists, the Workers and Oppressed Peoples of All Countries'.  In
this declaration - as Chairman Gonzalo noted in the PCP document
'International Line' - these parties "called upon the communists to unite
around Marxism-Leninism and take-up Chairman Mao, but without regarding him
as a new stage and failing to give him universal validity".

Chairman Gonzalo tells us that this endeavour was "led, principally, by the
Revolutionary Communist Party of the United States (RCP USA)" and that
later..... "In 1983, the RCP USA requested links with the Communist Party of
Peru", a Party that was already engaged in leading the People's War in Peru
precisely basing itself upon Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.

The RCP, main promoter of RIM, invited the PCP to subscribe to the
Declaration of 1980.  Chairman Gonzalo says on this point: "....the PCP did
not agree because this Declaration did not consider Mao Tse-tung Thought,
and moreover, we were already standing on the grounds of Marxism-Leninism-

Chairman Gonzalo continues: ".... in March 1984, the II Conference of these
organisations took place and the formation of the Revolutionary
Internationalist Movement (RIM) was agreed and they approved a joint
declaration in which there is talk about uniting around Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Tse-tung Thought. Our position on the incorporation of the PCP into the RIM
is synthesised in our letter
to the Committee of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, of October
86: 'We would wish to reiterate two questions on this point. Firstly, from
the beginning of our relationship, the central point of our differences has
been the substantial and decisive problem of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as the
sole, true and new stage of development of the proletarian ideology. The
question of its
universal validity, and principally the problem of Maoism as the key

"Therein lie our differences on the question of the label of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung Thought. Nevertheless, we thought, and still
think that the resolution of this problem - for us an indispensable,
necessary and basic point - is complicated, requires time and moreover, requires
further development of the revolution ........Secondly, our signing of the
Declaration that resulted from the II Meeting in which RIM was founded, was
done with reservations and even with clear disagreements.........which
evidently involve differences on the questions of the principal
contradiction, the revolutionary situation of uneven development, the world
war, and some criteria
on the role of the Movement"......

"It also involves differences on even more important points such as the
universal validity of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and particularly, the general
validity of People's well as on our insistence on always raising
the slogan "Proletarians of all countries, unite"......... Today, the
Declaration has been questioned by some as an opportunist document, others
have charged that
it is useless as far as resolving the burning problems demanded by the
revolution is concerned, and that, therefore, we should march to a new

"The PCP considers that RIM faces problems on different levels:  on the
ideological level, to advance in understanding
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism........ on the political level, to advance in
defining the fundamental contradictions and the principal one in the world,
the question of the Third World War and the fact that revolution is the main
trend, that if an imperialist war were to break
out the question would be to transform it into People's War; in reference to
construction, which shall be the road that we must follow in order to
achieve the International that we need, an International that must be the
continuation of the glorious International Communist Movement; on the
question of working among the masses, we base ourselves in our banners "the
masses make history",  "rebellion is justified" and (on the existence of)
"the colossal mountain of garbage", and that mass work is for the purpose of
initiating or developing the People's War; on the question of leadership, we
consider this a key issue that demands time for its formation, development
and recognised authority; about the two line struggle, we consider that it
is not being handled as it
should be"......

"These are problems of development, but if these are not handled in a just
and correct fashion, it can result in disarticulation and these negative
possibilities can not but worry us.  We consider that the RIM Committee is
attempting to impose upon us the label of "Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung
Thought", to restrain our Party within the limits of the Declaration and to
resolve problems of leadership within the Committee in a manner that gives
us grounds to think that hegemonic tendencies exist in it'".

Chairman Gonzalo also says: "Taking this situation into account, we reaffirm
ourselves in the line adopted at the IV National Conference of the PCP of
October 86 about developing our action as a fraction within the
International Communist Movement so that Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,
principally Maoism, be the leading and guiding ideology of world
revolution..........We are for the
reconstitution of the Communist International and we consider the
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement as a step in that direction, a step
that will be useful on that account, provided RIM sustains itself on a just
and correct ideological line". (Quotations are all from 'International Line of
the PCP' - The underlining is ours).


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