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Fri May 17 23:50:48 MDT 1996

Date: Fri, 17 May 1996 20:46:28 +0000
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2-4, 1996.

The following speech was held by the DHKP-C at the annual seminar of
Communist Parties and Organisations in Brussels, prepared by the
Belgian Party Of Work (PTB, Parti du Travail de Belgique) with the
general topic of anti-imperialist struggle under the "New World
Order". 69 parties and organisations from all over the world
participated in this meeting. Parties and organisations who work
illegal in their countries, as well as those who participate in the
governments, as well as some parties of socialist states were
represented. The congress addressed six topics:

0. General theme: The anti-imperialist struggle under the "New World
Order". 1. Legal and parliamentary struggle and anti-imperialist
struggle in the Third World. 2. Political mass work, armed struggle
and anti-imperialist    struggle in the Third World. 3. World
strategies of the main centres of imperialism and    reaction. 4. The
main centre of armed conflict in the present world. 5. The defence of
socialism and anti-imperialist struggle.

The DHKP-C held its speech on topic two, Political mass work, armed
struggle and anti-imperialist struggle in the Third World.

Merhaba ve Selam!

Dear comrades,
before we speak about the topic of Political mass work, armed struggle
and anti-imperialist struggle in the Third World, we want to point to
an actual example from our country. On the day of united workers
struggle, the day of workers struggle and solidarity, the police
attacked the Mayday demonstration in Kadikoey/Istanbul with tanks and
automatic guns. In this demonstration 30.000 revolutionaries from the
DHKP-C marched in a mass of 150.000 revolutionaries and democrats.
Three revolutionaries, Hasan Albayrak, Dursun Odabasi and Levent
Yalcan, were killed, dozens were seriously wounded, and hundreds of
people were arrested. Attacking the workers, the civil servants, small
merchants, peasants, people from the slum areas, the young and old,
men and women, the fascist Turkish state once again showed its face of
terror to the public. Fascism, oppression, terror, massacres and
attacks will not defeat our people who defend their dignity and who
fight for liberation and freedom. The number of our martyrs may become
countless, but our people will be victorious. Our fight for justice,
liberation and dignity is lasting. The revolutionaries who gave their
lives in the fight against fascism, who fell on Mayday 1996, are our

We will always honour them!

Dear comrades,
The DHKP-C, as the ones who fight for the Kurd, Turks, for the
oppressed and exploited peoples of our country, as the ones who fight
for the revolutionary liberation and socialism for the workers of all
nations, greet you. We only have a short time to speak at this
meeting, so we are not able to explain every subject which are
important for the present and the future comprehensively. The most
important points for each neo-colonial country according to political
mass struggle, armed struggle and anti-imperialist struggle, are as

1. The overthrow of the ruling oligarchy and the establishment  of the
revolutionary power of the people is a matter of    will-power.

The revolution will come through by our will-power. It is a matter of
our boundless will-power for the revolution. Everything else is
secondary, although other factors may shorten or lengthen the time of
the revolution. This is not only a principle, but the plain reality of
our present war experience. All objective conditions needed for a
revolution in our country exist. The fascist regime is nearing its
end. The crisis is lasting. Neither the military junta, nor the
permanent repetition of elections, nor other economical or political
measures can lessen the crisis. The level of the crisis is best
described by a statement of the spokesman of the monopolists: "The
people from the slum areas will cut our throats." The workers do not
hope to get anything from the system. Parallel to the guerilla war in
the mountains and the cities, large and small mass-movements, strikes,
resistance, and local uprisings are following one another. There is
only one solution: to broaden the people's involvement in the
struggle; to widen the political and military fight against the enemy.
We believe this is the case in many countries, may it be in a
different phase and a different way. We have to put our claim to power
on the agenda. A liberation organisation or a party that does not
reach out for power every moment will, regardless of its power fail to
progress. Such a party is doomed to be affected by other powers and
factors, by the so called "alternatives" of imperialism, and it will
be affected by its pressure. Today the main danger for most liberation
organisations is not to believe in the realisation of revolution. The
main danger is to lose revolutionary faith and courage, to withdraw in
their "national shell", to abandon the long lasting fight for national
- and class - liberation for limited demands. For people who fight for
liberation, every defeat is temporary. But a defeat by abandoning the
thoughts of socialism, by abandoning the purpose of armed liberation
and organisation, is a defeat with the highest price.

2. Nowadays the people's struggle rests with the revolutionary
strategy of the underdeveloped peoples. The armed people        are
the main guarantee of our liberation, our freedom and       our

Not only because our peoples have to resist the attacks by the fascist
powers, it is mainly a strategic necessity, needed for the
materialization of the revolution. Our era is still the era of
people's liberations struggles. This fact has not been altered by the
loss of prestige of socialism and the resulting temporary conquests by
imperialism. Imperialism is most threatening and its politics are most
miscarried in regions where people's struggles take place. On the
other hand we should not use a routine or a temporary political
equilibrium, we have to take our own reality as a basis. The
conditions in our country determine the specific phases of our
people's war. The development of our war will not be that of a
classical people's war, it will not spread from the mountains to the
cities but it will be materialised simultaneously in the mountains and
cities with the perspective of the united revolutionary struggle. The
first phase of our war will be realised on the basis of armed
propaganda. Our Party's program briefly explains this strategy as
follows: "Growing out of the vanguard struggle will come a guerilla
war, in which the guerilla army will grow and spread across the
country. This emerging force will link in with people's movements and
local rebellions to forge a people's army and the people's army will
eventually raise in an all-out rebellion which will bring down the
oligarchic state and lead to the ultimate victory in which the
Revolutionary People's Liberation Power will be established. Our Party
designates a particular form of revolutionary struggle to this popular
rule, particular to our country, as a strategy of the Politicised
Military War. At the same time as waging this struggle, other battles
are fought to win the everyday democratic rights and demands for the
popular masses. All of these are included in our strategy." Practice
has shown we were right. In general the development of the war is
taking place in this form.

3. Party leadership is necessary

Liberation organisations without a party, may be able to take over the
power but they are unable to materialise the transformation of a
social revolution. A party which fulfils its duties can be the brain;
the party is the ideological leadership of Marxism-Leninism. At the
same time it is the commander, expressing the unity between political
and military leadership... Disliked because of its bureaucratic
structures and because of the slowness of the traditional communist
parties, the notion of a "Party" left over the years negative traces
in the thoughts of the masses working in many countries. Programs,
statutes and rules in writing alone have no significance. A party is
mainly formed by tradition, by values which are born under fire, by
political courage, the willingness to fight, by the obligation to
Marxism-Leninism under any condition and by experienced cadres. "Our
bodies can be wounded, but we should not lose our head". This sentence
expresses that our Party must under all circumstances have the talents
and the resoluteness which are needed for guiding the war. Our era is
also the era in which revolutionary leaders are attacked seriously,
and after the abandonment of socialism, the bourgeoisie has attacked
them even harder. These years are the years of trying to change
socialism into bourgeois-democracy, changing revolution into
reformism, internationalism into nationalism; these are the years of
cheating revolutionary organisations with abstract requests for peace,
instead of fighting for the rights and freedom of the peoples. At this
front we have set up barricades against the enemy.

4. Our perspective of political mass-struggle is to call the people to
the anti-fascist and anti-imperialist Front, to extend this Front
within the whole country and expanding it.

This Front is the power that fights and makes the people fight. The
Revolutionary People's Liberation Front are the muscles and the fists
which beats the enemy. It is the mass, the body of our fight. The
Front comprises armed and unarmed political mass-struggle. Political
mass-work and propaganda with a separate Front or armed struggle is
unimaginable. This means a Front has to have an unarmed wing besides
its armed wing, but the armed wing has to be the basis. Besides
particular differences, the logic of the legal and the illegal
struggle is basically the same. The contradiction is the one between
the legitimacy of the people and the revolutionary forces on the one
hand, and the illegitimate system on the other. In reality this is the
main contradiction. We will use all legal sectors up to their last
resources. But we will take legitimacy, and not legal democratic
struggle, as a measurement. We should trust the power and the
creativity of the masses. Legal struggle is to oppose our legitimacy
to the enemy; at the same time it is a struggle for an area we won in
an eye for an eye fight. Every legal organisation is a product of
illegal struggle. The enemy has to accept our legitimacy. To spread
DHKP-C posters or flyers leads to being murdered in the streets
without trial or 15 years imprisonment. But hundreds of Party-Front
flags and banners can be seen in demonstrations and acts of
resistance. Counter-guerilla knows that the masses are prepared for
every attack with their fists, sticks and their Molotov-cocktails.
Counter-guerilla that attacks will not remain unanswered. Mayday is an
example for this, and it is an actual one.

In 1977 the oligarchy murdered 34 people on Mayday in Istanbul. In
1988 we lost two of our comrades, in 1989 we lost one and in 1991 we
lost another two comrades on Mayday. Today 20.000 people march under
the banners and flags of the DHKP-C. Despite the danger of being
killed or seriously punished, we regularly publish legal publications,
we maintain our trade-union and mass organisations, we bury our
martyrers in the mountains and the cities with thousands of people, we
storm police stations, the centres of guilt, in the slums, we force
ministers and police directors to come to the barricades to fulfil the
demands of the people, we are living in the prisons with the identity
of free prisoners, even if this means we have to die for it. Hundreds
of people are descendants of this view of war and this tradition.

One of the main dangers for a revolutionary organisation is to be
unable to teach the masses to struggle with a revolutionary soul, not
to support the revolutionary people's movement which  contain a lot of
energy, to watch their ruin...

Palestine and Kurdistan are examples for this. In reality the self
growing Intifadah and Serhildanen were not supported by the
nationalist movements. They were only used as trump-cards against the
enemy. They watched their ruin. As a result this mentality could not
establish lasting militant mass-movements. Radicalism in the Middle
East and the militant mass movements are now lead by islamic

You can lead people that had to stand all kinds of pain and had to pay
every price to victory. Political leadership determines the way. In
the political mass struggle our basic politics can be described
briefly as follows: first believing in the power of the masses,
secondly not to bring forward a status quo which leads to a compromise
with the system, but to prepare people to establish the revolutionary
power of the people.

5. In neo- colonial countries the crisis is acute. The first and main
duty of Marxist-Leninists is the leadership of a democratic front that
unites all forces against imperialism and its collaborators.

The problem is not the announcement of the leadership. It's the
necessity of leading all forces that are oppositional to the system,
united into the struggle. Of course every country goes through its own
experiences. Besides we have to learn from examples that took place in
Asia and Latin-America.

Nowadays the war in  our country is no longer a vanguard struggle, the
war is changing into a peoples war. All people's classes are extremely
dissatisfied with the system. Class- and national contradictions are
very different and mixed ones in Anatolia which has been transformed
into a prison for the people. Imperialism and oligarchy created
politics which pay regard to these contradictions.  In this they have
a lot a counter-revolutionary experience. They practice politics to
instigate people's against each other and of creating enmity among
them. For this they use religious and national differences. When they
do not succeed they try to separate and isolate groups locally.

Fascism tried to develop Turkish chauvinism and Turkish enmity against
the increasing Kurdish national consciousness and the Kurdish national
movement; they also tried to develop the enmity between Sunni en
Alevites against the Alevites. With this they forced the national
Kurdish question and the awakening of the Alevites to kill each other.
Fascism tried to separate these movements from the revolutionary
struggle and tried to isolate them locally. This policy is still
continuing. On the other hand broad actions of the workers, civil
servants and students take place in the local uprisings in the slums.
These actions are lead by our party. In March 1995 uprisings occurred
in the large slums of Istanbul: Gazi, Okmeydane, Nurtepe and UEmraniye,
uprisings that shook the whole country. Similar uprisings jumped over
to Anatolia. The disadvantages of these mass-movements are their
separated appearance, they didn't occur at the same time and could not
be transformed into united actions.

It is our duty now, to unite all these mass-movements and acts of
resistance into an united people's action, to assemble them in the
revolutionary front. While we are expanding the war in the mountains
and the cities, this is our everyday duty... Because of this, we put
the foundation of people's committees and meetings in the slums,
worker's committees and meetings and meetings of the civil servants on
the agenda. This is nowadays discussed by the masses. Especially in
regions where militant people's struggles were created, we can
nowadays witness examples of people's committees and people's

6. Imperialism and its oligarchic collaborators are the main enemies
of the revolution and our peoples. To consider imperialism and fascist
governments in neo-colonialist countries as separated from each other
means dreaming. Without a consistent anti-imperialism, revolution and
liberation are impossible.

Imperialism is not only worldwide exploitation and plunder, not only
an armed villain in general terms. Imperialism is the main power,
maintaining the economic, political and social structures in
neo-colonial countries. In the underdeveloped countries, imperialism
is the main responsible for exploitation, injustice and fascist
barbarism, it is the main stay and source for all of this. Eliminating
all the dynamics of national progress, imperialism itself organises
fascist state structures from top to bottom, using an imported,
dependent misshapen capitalism. The structure of imperialism is not an
external but an internal development.

Without destroying this political and social structure, formed by a
handful of collaborators, without overthrowing the fascist state,
which means to eliminate the economic and social stays of imperialism,
independence and liberation are not possible, at no given time.
Despite the given names and proclamations; changes in the relations
between the powers, a new status quo which does not alter the
structure of imperialism will lead to nothing else but new dependency
upon imperialism and the lasting of imperialist exploitation. We have
to take an open and straight forward attitude towards imperialism,
based on the front. Contradictionary policies will not lead to any
success. The materialisation of our revolution is determined by
teaching our peoples the militant anti-imperialist doctrine.

7. Imperialist practice in underdeveloped countries, the elimination
of people's liberation movements, the lessening of contradictions, as
well as creating status quo's in their own favour to re-establish
control in the regions where revolutionary dynamics are most

We live to see a phase where the demagogies of "world peace" and
imperialist villainies get mixed. The biggest barrier for the
imperialist to reach their aim of a false American peace of
imperialism to make the people's to give up, are the anti-imperialist
movements in the Middle East, Latin-America and Africa.

It is no coincidence that the massacre in Cana occurred just after the
summit meeting of terror in Egypt. Imperialism and the Zionist
villains are attacking in full strength to destroy the Palestinian
resistance and all anti-imperialist dynamics in the region. The
aggression against Korea, the Lebanon, Cuba, the massacres in Turkey
and Kurdistan and the declaration of our organisation as the most
dangerous in this region and world wide, and the boundless bloody
terror against our organisation just mean the continuation of this

8. Imperialism's recent policy towards liberation movements aims at
destroying these movements by means of armed intervention while they
try to disarm these movements on the other hand by means of convincing
them away from socialism, revolution and independence.

In the last decade this policy was successful in certain regions. The
ground they exploited were weak connections with Marxism-Leninism,
policies built on temporary gains, the fear of reaching victory.
Especially national- and petty-bourgeois movements orientate
themselves at the power or are influenced by it, so they start to
doubt their legitimacy. Organisations which are influenced by this
establish inclinations to found legal parties, start to compromise or
to disarm themselves.

To turn guerilla warfare into a bargaining chip is a dangerous gamble.
There is no chance of victory for those who play these tactic.
Disarmed people whose fingernails are torn out will not mass any
peace. Besides, a peace like it is promised by imperialism will never
happen. Genuine peace and freedom will only get real after we wiped
out all traces of exploitation, dependence, and oligarchic
dictatorship. Only the revolutionary power of the people will be able
to achieve this.

We will never deviate from our determination to drive imperialism away
>from our country, we will never deviate from socialism. The people's
liberation movements fighting against imperialism and oligarchy are
the hopes for independence, democracy and socialism for the peoples.
We will never allow this hop to diminish.

We are connected with, and obliged to, the liberation warriors that
lost their lives in Palestine and the Lebanon, in Turkey and
Kurdistan, in Cuba and Latin-America, the people who gave their lives
all over the world for freedom and liberation, and we are loyal to
their oath.

                        Devrimci Halk Kurtulus Partisi-Cephesi

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