Gonzalez: Peru and "Sendero"

hariette spierings hariette at easynet.co.uk
Tue May 21 20:15:18 MDT 1996


>Yo! Gonzalez!  Where do you get this shit?  "...dialogue and
>communication are the only tools... to obtain social justice and
>respect for human rights"???  On what planet???
>
>On this green earth, time and time again history has shown that the
>oppressed NEVER obtain justice from the oppressor without violence.
>That's what ole K. Marx was getting at 'way back when.  That's what
>the Paris Commune proved in 1871, and what Lenin proved in the
>October Revolution in 1917; What was shown beyond a doubt by the
>Chinese revolution, and by every struggle of the oppressed short of
>proletarian revolution, even the civil rights struggles here in the USA.
>
>The PCP is applying these lessons in Peru.  All "dialogue and
>communication" with the oppressor EVER got the oppressed masses
>is at best continued oppression, at worst death by torture.
>
>Gina/ Detroit
>
>In a message dated 96-05-20 13:44:44 EDT, you write:
>
>>	A los compan~eros senderistas: piensen y reflexionen sobre las
>>condiciones en que se encuentra Peru. Para bien o para mal, ricos y
>>pobres, blancos e indios, industriales y campesinos todos son peruanos y
>>todos tiene derecho a opinar sobre el futuro del pais. El dialogo y la
>>comunicacion son las unicas herramientas con que cuentan los movimientos
>>de liberacion latinoamericanos para obtener justicia social y respeto a
>>los derechos humanos.
>>Francisco J. Gonzalez
>
>

There is no doubt that Mr. Gonzales advocates the perennial submission of
the people to the inevitable fate of exploitation and national oppression,
particularly vis-a-vis the US imperialists.  There is no doubt that all his
leftism amounts to charitable concern for the miserable situation of the
overwheleming majority of the people of Latin-America.  He is willing to
feel sorry and solidarian with their suffering, however, any rebellion to
put an end to that state of affairs he sees as doomed and useless.

If that had been the attitude of the colonists in North America vis-a-vis
the British, George Washington would have been an unremarkable farmer all
his life and Prince Charles would today be sitting in a Viceregal throne in
America.

Sr. Gonzales forgets that the history of US ascendancy is indeed very short,
and not two hundred short years ago Mexico was a bigger power and so was the
Vice-regalty of Peru, far more sophisticated and cultured places than the
miserable thirteen little colonies that were to become the hub of American
capitalist development.

When Mr. Gonzales chides the Communist Party of Peru for not having won its
liberation war in sixteen years, he forgets the kind of revolution now
developing in Peru.  This is no anti-Somoza revolution.  This is no
anti-Batista revolution, and not an anti-Fujimori revolution either strictly
speaking.

In Peru we have a proletarian led revolution, a Communist Party, a People's
Liberation Army and a People's Liberation Front guided by the ideology which
this list is suppossed to deal with - if not subscribe.  A revolution such
as this is bound to be always more difficult, bitterly fought and resisted,
not only by the ruling classes as a whole, but by ALL the imperialist powers.

The mere fact that in sixteen years the reactionaries have not been able to
defeat it, and that on the contrary, this revolution raises itself more
powerful each time round, should, especially if we compare to the attempts
by the non-proletarian revolutionaries in the sixties in the same country
which barely lasted a few months and were easily put down y the old
peruavian state and their armed forces with no trouble whatsoever, is of
vital interest for revolutionaries anywhere and provides answers as to the
question of how the revolutions principally in the third world should
approach their tasks from a Marxist perspective.  The failure of the 1960s
Guevarist and Trotskyst methods of struggle when compared to the
invencibility of the Maoist people's war in Peru, is something that should
call the attention of revolutionaries the world over, and in fact is already
inspiring quite a few.  This list has recently trascended also its narrow
academicism and become more truly international.  The international
experience of the proletariat needs to assimilate the lessons of the
Peruvian revolution, and the threads in this list on this subject are but
just one part of this study.

I know that sometimes the tone of the debate gets overheated, and this is
also because a truly revolutionary situation generates sharp contradictions,
has hidden enemies, people who unwittingly identify their anrachism with the
revolutionary ideology which sustains this powerful people's revolution, and
also the actions of the open enemies of the revolution which would
caricaturise it in order to obscure its true significance.  All that and
even more we have had here and a lot of feathers have been unruffled as a
consequence.  But Mr. Gonzales is a bit out of it insofar as the new
situation prevailing in this list and certainly a little more than late to
come across with such arguments to rubbish our efforts.

In a world where the ideology of social revolution and liberation, of
Marxism, has been proclaimed dead and buried by its enemies the bourgeois,
moreover, in a list which nominally is dedicated to Marxism (i.e. the ideas
of Karl Marx) but a cyberplace where when the communist revolutionaries of
Marx school actually paid a visit, they had to struggle for several days to
force a hearing, there cannot really be more apposite topic than this
revolution.

It is true that all over the world important developments are also taking
place, but to counterpose speculation which one can easily gather from the
bourgeois media about the elections in Spain, Italy and even the the former
Soviet Union, to a study of the actual way in which the application of
Marxism to a country in the Third World (the main arena of contention
between revolution and reaction at present) is enriching Marxism, is not
only a question of bias, but a roundabout way to raise the very old
objections of the fugitives of Marxism 2 to the presence of this debate in
this place under a new guise.

However, it is not true that the PCP intends to continue the People's War
without entering into alliances with organisations and individuals who are
willing to unite for the purpose of overthrowing the old state by means of a
victorious People's War.  The question is to unite all those who are not
merely "anti-Fujimori", but who are against imperialism, bureacratic
capitalism and the semi-feudal and semi-colonial conditions under which Peru
is actually suffering.

A People's Frent of Liberation is been organised.  That of course is not an
electoral front with those some people in this list regard as "leftwing"
organisations.  No, it is a front of classes and organisations and
individuals who are part of the Peruvian people and not part of the enemies
of the people.

Take the so called United Left which groups all the "leftwing" legal
parties.  In 1978 it achieved more than 40% of the vote.  In 1980 it
achieved a third and more. In 1985 it was still the second political force
after the "social-democrat" Apra Party to which it conceded the election
without a second round.  In 1990 its catasthrophe started to become evident
as the masses began to desert them in droves, as well as all other Parties.
That was the election in which Fujimori "won" by promising to do the very
oposite of which he did as soon as he deceived the people by presenting
himself as an "independent" and "honest" politician.  In 1995, the United
Left was reduced to the irrisory vote of 0.4% of the less than 50% of the
electorate who took part on the elections.

So what does this mean?  It means that those "left" parties are nothing but
empty shells staffed by big Union bureaucrats and traffickers with the
misery of the Peruvian people who scour the world looking for "donations" in
order to practice Father Chrismas type of demagogy with the conscience money
of the liberal bourgeois of the imperialist countries.  Bereft of any
popular support, despised by the people, with nothing to contribute to the
revolution, but on the contrary, playing the most despicable role in
slandering it abroad trying to prevent truly progressive and democratic
people from lending their support to this just and heroic struggle by means
of actions such as those of "carlos" in this list which for a while caused
many people to believe that the PCP was a bunch of murderous maniacs.

It is true also that the actions of infiltrated impostors such as "Quispe"
and his wrecker and saboteur activities first agravated the conditions in
which we had to win a hearing in this list, and later provoked an unseemly
fishwives quarrel by launching a treachearous attack upon the true defenders
of the People's war and the Peruvian revolution.  But even that cannot cover
up the fact that many people in this list have already opened their eyes to
the true nature of the struggle taking place in Peru.

Contrary to the assertions of people who pontificate about "no dialogue",
there is in fact many dialogues taking place in Peru today.  There is the
dialogue of the clash of arms vis-a-vis the reactionary regime and its armed
forces.  That is a "dialogue" at the point of a gun, which is the only
language the fascist understand!

There are other dialogues too which take place among the various sections of
the people.  These are the consultations and negotiations for developing the
People's Liberation Front that should unite more than 90% of the Peruvain
people against the handful of pro-imperialist, bureacratic capitalist
bankers and financiers, corrupt mafias, and large landowners and other
enemies of the people invluding the corrupt High Command of the reactionary
armed forces and their oppresive officer corps.  Those "consultations and
negotiations" take the form of unity and struggle among the various sections
of the people who are each day more taking to the side of the revolution.
It is wrong to say "we are all Peruvians".

In Peru there are people who are only Peruvian in name. Their hearst and
wallets do not belong to the country at all.  They make a living by selling
the country to the foreign corporations.  These classes are no part of the
Peruvian people and constitute a very samall minority of the inhabitants of
Peru.   Any unity of the Peruvian people can only be achieved in direct
counterposition to that tiny minority which amounts to less than 10% of the
population and who live of the misery of the other 90%+.

Adolfo Olaechea



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