Olaechea escapes. He lost the debate!

Hugh Rodwell m-14970 at mailbox.swipnet.se
Tue Oct 8 00:18:26 MDT 1996

I've been asked to forward this to the list.




Adolfo lost the political debate. He wrote:

"Once again, other more pressing motives force me to unsubscribe, if not
today, tomorrow.  I hope to find this list working upon my return, since for
all its faults it is still an open space which should be preserved."

He proved that he is lies and that he is a slander machine.

He takes a position to press his followers to ask him don't leave. This is
a typical maneouvre from electoralist demagoges.

One person, Vladimir, which believes in Olaechea wrote:

"Adolfo, WE ask you to do exactly the opposite. Do not be humble. Use your
powerful language to tear the enemies of your revolution into pieces. Do
"lose" your time spreading the truth about the revolution around the world
by the Internet.  DO NOT get yourself into the hands of Fujimori's
torturers! And may be some day you will yet become the Chairman of Lima Soviet."

Vladimir confesed:

"I will do it not as an expert on Peruvian politics,
because I am not"

Vladimir, you confess that you don't know very much about Peru and that your
main source of information is the reports from olaechea and the PCPSL. Why
you don't want to listen other sources of information?

I don't deny the existence of an internal war. It exists but not in the way
as the PCP-SL presents it. The PCP-SL and the MRTA, which doesn't exist in
Olaechea reports, made some guerrilla actions. Every week there are clashes.
Nevertheless, these are minor forces. ALL THE LEFT is heavily reduced in
Peru. The United Left, which use to have 1/4 or 1/3 of the votes, had less
than 0.5% of the votes in the last election. The trotskysist which had 12%
of the votes in 1978 and led many unions until the early 1980s are reduced
to small groups with tens of members. The unions, which were capable of
making big strikes, are substantially reduced. The PCP-SL and the MRTA, which
mobilised thousands of combatants and had some support in several areas
until 1992, are in a very isolated and marginal position.

I am confessing that the forces which I support are very weak. Why?
Because we suffer a defeat!

In 1978-80 we had a revolutionary situation in Peru. There were massive
general strikes. People went into the roads and made blockades. There were
factory occupations. There were proto-soviets (people's assemblies). The
people were moving to the left.

What happened?

Blanco was a fake-trotskyist. Despite his radicalism he didn't organise a
party and soviets. He tailed the Maoists and Castroites which wanted a
popular front with the bourgeoisie.

In 1980 in a very sectarian way the ARI (a radical left front lead by
Blanco) was divided. Belaunde took the opportunity of capitalising the
popular discontent and he won the elections.

In 1980 the mass radicalisation started to be diverted towards bourgeois
democracy. The potential for a workers revolution was anulled by two
forces: the electoralist stalinism and the militarist stalinism.

The United Left and the PCP-SL armed struggle begun in the same year.
The United Left controled the mass organisations and said to them "don't be so
radical because we can take power with the parliament". The PCP-SL said "the
mass and workers organisations are rubbish, we need to destroy them and the
people should follow the correct line of Chairman Gonzalo".

When the workers entered in strike the United Left betrayed them from the
leadership. The PCP-SL provoked repression, destroyed the factories or
phisically threatened the workers.

1987-1988 was the highest point in the radicalisation of the workers in the
1980s. In November 1987 more than 3,000 delegates from most of the unions,
shanty towns committees, peasant organisations, etc. gathered in Villa El
Salvador and created the People's Assembly. It was a body which had
potential soviet and dual power characteristics.

What was my policy? In a document which I wrote at that time I suggested
that the People's Assembly should have delegeates elected and recallable in
rank and file assemblies and should try to became a paralel power which has
to assume control of distrbution of basic needs, to organised strikes and
blockades, and to promote self-defence committees and the unionisation of
the troops.

What said the United Left? They try to transform it in a mere electoral
support for itself. The United Left sabotaged the 4 general strikes of 1988. In
the end the United Left killed the people's assembly.

What said the PCP-SL and the MRTA? The MRTA supported it but they wanted to
create a progressive front between it and wings of the church, the army and
the ruling party (an strategy similar to the zapatistas and the FMLN/FSLN).
The PCP-SL called openly "Smash the fascist corporative people's assembly!".
On the 1st of may 1988 the PCP-SL put dinamite in the big demonstrations of
the unions and the left. The PCP-SL consider that all the people's and
workers organisations are counter-revolutionaries and fascists. That's why
they advocate their liquidation or the extermination of some of their

The United Left and the PCP-SL/MRTA were like rollers that destroyed the
revolutionary potential of the working class between them. Both stalinist
camps were against the development of workers councils and militias because
they wanted popular fronts.

As a result the left betrayed a revolutionary situation. The petit
bourgeoisie was very unhappy with the hyperinflation and chaos and saw that the
working class was incapable of resolving the problems and they turned to
support a Bonaparte which could put order. That's why Fujimori unfortunately
became very popular.

In 1992 Gonzalo promised that he would take power. When he was captured he
capitulated. Today the PCP-SL is in a big crisis. In Peru we see every time
the two wings fighting together. Gonzalo  advocates a counter-revolutionary
peace agreement and the Feliciano wing continues a sterile militarist path.
We propose a united front for promoting mobilisation and defending class

The comrades from the northern hemisphere can see that division. There is
the RIM/MRI which was the PCP-SL international. The RIM said that there are
two lines inside the PCPSL. There is also the MIM which have a feminist
lesbian symbol and are supporting Feliciano's PCPSL despite that in Peru the
Senderistas KILL homosexuals and are considering it as moral desease. There
is also the El Diario wing and the Red Flag wing.

I don't know Quispe and I am his opponent. I simply want to say that for the
PCP-SL everybody are spies and agents which deserve to be killed, even their
own co-thinkers which they disagree in small points.

Vladimir is wrong when he suggests that Peru live under a fascist regime
which only the PCP-SL is in opposition. That's completely false. I suggest
Vladimir you should read other sources of information.

Fujimori is a terrible neo-liberal Bonaparte. Fascism means a one-party
regime which suppress unions and parliaments. That's not the case of Peru.
Peru has a similar regime to Mexico, Argentina or Colombia. We have a
boanpartistic parliamentary democracy in which the unions and the political
parties have some liberties but the state and the paramilitary can disobey
the law when they want.

It's completely false the picture that in Peru there are no unions or
industrial workers, that 90% of the Peruvians are unemployed, and that
nearly half of them live under liberated areas of the PCP-SL "people's
republic". This is a COMPLETE LIE. Nobody will believe that nonsense from
Olaechea. Only people which don't know our reality could be influenced.

In Peru we had an important movement, originiated by the oil workers, which
were against the privatisation of PetroPeru. The PCP-SL was COMPLETELY absent
>from that movement like they are absent from most of the strikes and street

Vladimir, who doesn't have arguments, is suggesting that I can be an agent.
I don't have any conection with Quispe because I am against his stalinist
policies. I am not a member of the marxism list. I received from time to
time several messages forwarded from some comrades in the list and some time
I forwarded articles to the list through some people which share some of my
ideas. Quite recently another friend which forwarded another message which
had nothing to do with the PCP-SL.

Olaechea tried to appear as a poor little victim. In fact HE IS DEFENDING

I was educated politically be workers activist like Chiara. He was my
friend. he was an extremely poor man. He lived in a shanty town. He led
strikes and factory occupation, something that Olacehea never did. He
organised the workers against the military juntas in 1968-80 and against the
reactionary democracy in the 1980s.

Olaechea is defending the murder of Trotsky, millions of Bolsheviks in the
Slain's purges and of very good left-wing militants in Peru. He was the one
that openly said compare the Peruvian union leaders which deserved to be
kill with the UK and US union leaders.

I am against any repression to Olaechea and to any PCP-SL supporter.
Nevertheless he is in favour of killing my comrades and friends.

I am not advocating that Olaechea should return to be killed. I am only
exposing his lies and I was asking him to don't make theatre. He tried to
impress the European and North American audience as a leader of an
inexistent soviet in Lima (1963) and as a persecuted hero.
What I tried to show is that he was completely absent from the Peruvian
class struggle in all the general strikes and in all the mass actions
against the military junta (1968-80), the bourgeois democracy (1980-90/92)
and the Fujimori parliamentary dictatorship (1990/92-96). Why he was absent?
If he like to be in Britain that's his right. It's OK. But he must be inside
the workers movement and don't slander the Peruvian left and

I am asking Vladimir. Do you support the Stalinists purges and its terrible
terror? Do you agree with the murder of Chiara, Cantoral and other far left
combative union leaders?


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