Third National Congress of the Italian PRC (2/4)

Luciano Dondero DOND001 at
Thu Oct 10 12:02:23 MDT 1996

(24 signatories among CPN members)

The document of the minority is much more centred upon the current situation
in the country, and it provides a detailed and devastating analysis of the
economic and financial policies of the Prodi government, termed an
instrument of representation "of the general interests of Italian=

It denounces the essential continuity between this government and the
various cabinets led by Amato, Ciampi and Dini that the PRC opposed. And it
notes that both Ciampi and Dini are in key positions in the current cabinet.

The main sins of the Prodi government, within the context of a broad plan to
bring Italy into the Europe of Maastricht, include the following ones:
1.- a project of fiscal reform opening the road to fiscal federalism.
2.- having started the privatisation of the STET phone company and made
plans to privatise the entire banking and financial complex.
3.- a school reform that would give in to the pressures from the Vatican and
Confindustria [Translator=92s Note: Confindustria is the Italian association
of capitalists, equivalent to the British CBI].
4.- economic measures to reintroduce forms of differentiation in pay between
workers from different parts of the country, and in general to let the
bosses have their way in terms of pay reductions.
5.- de facto support of the Prodi government for American imperialist
policy, specifically with relation to Iraq.

Taking off from the "objective class incompatibility between the nature of
the Prodi government and the social interests represented by the PRC", the
text argues for the need to move Rifondazione to an oppositional stand
against the government.

This renewed stance of the party is argued both on the basis of these
factors and also in order not to abandon to the right-wing the monopoly of
the opposition.

The document by Bacciardi-Ferrando-Grisolia-Maitan develops a quite
articulate programmatic outline under the rubric "For a new impulse to the
struggle and to the mass movements".

With the aim to promote mass mobilisations against the financial law of the
Prodi government, against privatisations and flexibility -- initiating
social conflicts to give impulse to the mass movement =96 the minority
documents proposes the following points:
1.- Launch a proposal to link up pay demands and the reduction of the=
2.- Build a movement against privatisations.
3.- Unify the front of resistance that sees the workers thousands of
factories in crisis fighting separately.
4.- Demand a wage for the unemployed.
5.- Give new impulse to the party initiative toward the new generations, in
defense of the state character of schools, for an antimilitarist campaign,
in opposition to antidrug laws and for a free and safe sexuality.

These struggles in the economic field must be linked with a battle for
democracy, demanding the return to a proportional representation electoral=

It then puts forward a "class policy for the South of Italy" (Mezzogiorno).
Arguing with force on the need of a "profound turn of our trade union
policies" linked to a renewed oppositional stance by the party. The
criticism toward the positions of the trade union tops =96 great concessions
to the demands of the bosses =96 leads to the call to mobilise the PRC for a
"real trade union refoundation", meaning with this not a "trade union solely
composed of communists", but a convergence between different experiences of
class trade unionism aimed at building "a trade union capable of asserting
its own autonomy from the government and from the bosses by means of a
strong link with all the working people, with the perspecive to win over a
majority of these".

With respect to the internal life of the party, the text criticises a
"top-heavy functioning" which tends to exautorate not only all rank-and-file
bodies, but also the local leading bodies and the CPN itself, leaving in the
hands of the secretariat any decision-making.
All together it denounces an increased "=92majority=92 conformism which
represents the gravest obstacle to a correct development of a proper
democratic interaction in the party". And it points out that the "struggle
against sectarianism" (termed "equivocal") can become a tool for the most
hardened elements of the various leading bodies.

The gravity of the current situation is such, the text says, that "in the
event that such a push toward verticalization would continue, it would end
up with feeding all sorts of burocratic and authoritarian tendencies,
destroying the party as an instrumento of organisation and struggle in the
perspective of a transformation toward communism".=20

The strategic perspective of the anticpitalist alternative is seen in the
international context, where it underlines the "narrowing of the margins for
reformism in the new framework of world capitalism", characterised by
attacks against the welfare state and with important fightback struggles.

The text by Bacciardi-Ferrando-Grisolia-Maitan criticises formulations like
"autonomy-unity" and "radicalism-unity" (used by the majority) taking them
only as starting points that need much clarification to avoid adopting a
subordinate stance toward the PDS.=20

Finally, it proposes a "political culture for the communist refoundation",
which should aim strongly at a "critical recuperation of the legacy of the
=91classics=92 of Marxism and of the revolutionary experiences from the=
revolution onward".

It is feared that the phrase "return to Marx" could cover a "renounciation
of the theoretical communism of the Twentieth century(first of all Lenin,
but Gramsci as well) and to the features of the revolutionary breakthrough
of this century".

And while it wants "a balance-sheet and a judgement on the error and the
degenerations of Stalinism and on the historical experiences of the
countries born following the path opened by the Soviet Union", it also
states that "errors and degenerations do not exhaust the history of
Communism in this century nor do they in a general sense diminish the
revolutionaty perspective, which was firstly concretised by the great
Russian October".

Thus, to "critical study and analysis of the experiences of the Twentieth
century" should help in the "elaboration of a modern revolutionary
strategy", incorporating also experiences like environmentalism and=

--Luciano Dondero--

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