hariette spierings hariette at easynet.co.uk
Fri Oct 11 17:26:05 MDT 1996

>I've been asked to forward this.
>One year after his capture, Gonzalo made a U-Turn. He decided to make the
>"new great decision" and to advocate the end of the people's war and a
>"peace agreement" with Fujimori.
>He justified that shift writing that the PCP-SL without Gonzalo's leadership
>is not capable of winning the war. For Gonzalo, only he himself could lead
>his party to the victory and because he was in jail for all his life and he
>incapable of leading the party in the war, the PCP-SL needed to avoid a
>serious defeat.
>He understood that the PCP-SL couldn't win the war and that the priority
>was to protect the life of thousands of political prisoners and of most of
>the PCPSL leadership in jail. He offered Fujimori a deal.
>The destruction of the APRA, the United Left and "revisionism" is something
>that Gonzalo was happy with and he congratulated Fujimori for achieving
>these and some reforms. A very secret deal is on the agenda. The
>pro-Gonzalo forces
>are progressively being liberated from prison and in the mass organisations
>they are becoming "left" supporters of the regime.
>Gonzalo's shift is a complete contradiction of what he said in his speech
>when he was showed in a cage. Until 1992 the PCP-SL considered that they
>achieved "strategic equilibrium" and that they have to prepare a war of
>movements and the military occupation of Lima and other cities. Before his
>capture Gonzalo moved to Lima and he led a constant bomb campaign. Nearly
>every day the PCP-SL put bombs in many places. They put bombs even in
>places in which many ordinary workers were walking. In Tarata (Miraflores)
>they kill more than ten innocent workers and street sellers. In the road
>between Callao and Lima they put bombs which injured or killed innocent
>These actions created a panic in society and many ordinary people were
>becoming alienated from the PCP-SL who have a record of killing workers and
>popular leaders and of destroying electricity plants and factories. Gonzalo
>over-estimated the influence and capacity of the PCP-SL. His move to Lima
>to prepare the final assault was  an adventure and he paid for it with his
>One year later he realised that he could do nothing in jail and that his
>party was defeated. The PCP-SL didn't achieve the "strategic equilibrium"
>and it was very unpopular amongst the workers and poor people. The shanty
>towns were the bastions of the left and the PCP-SL always wanted to expel
>the United Left from them. The PCP-SL managed to help the army and Fujimori
>to destroy the left in the shanty towns and since the 1990s the
>overwhelmingly majority of the shanty towns became supporters of Fujimori
>who is giving them some order and some crumbs.
>Gonzalo's shift created a big problem amongst his comrades outside the
>jail. They didn't want to end the war. Some of them established a lucrative
>power base in the Huallaga river area (world's main cocaine producer). Some
>of them were genuine fighters which wanted to continue the struggle.
>The Central Committee outside the jail (the so-call Feliciano wing) decided
>to continue the "people's war". Gonzalo made several presentations on TV
>and sent many of his handwritings everywhere showing his new position.
>Gonzalo's father and mother in law supported his new position. All the main
>PCP-SL leaders in jail (Miriam, Morote, Meche, Cox, etc.) and more than 90%
>of the PCP-SL political prisoners openly supported him. On TV Gonzalo's
>lawyer (Crespo), Morote and other leaders gave presents to the Fujimorists
>and tried to be nice to the people that before they condemn as "fascist
>rats which have to be killed". There are many pictures in which Gonzalo
>appears with many of these leaders. In Europe many pro-PCP-SL Solidarity
>committees decided to support the "new great decision".
>The PCP-SL's Central Committee couldn't accept Gonzalo's betrayal but they
>also couldn't denounce him. The PCPSL has a feudal structure. Gonzalo is
>consider a living god and the only basis of party's unity. For the PCP-SL, its
>ideology is "Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's thought and principally
>Gonalo's thought". Initially the Central Committee denied Gonzalo's
>capitulation. It wrote that this was a farce or that Gonzalo was probably
>under drugs. Nevertheless, the pro-people's war Central Committee had to
>admit that there is a "black clique" around all former PCP-SL leaders in jail
>(except Gonzalo) who have to be smashed because they are advocating a peace
>agreement with Fujimori. The Central Committee cannot try to ignore reality
>and cannot cover the sun with a finger.
>So, the Central Committee is trying to separate Gonzalo's thought from
>Gonzalo's person. This is a kind of religious exercise. Gonzalo's thought
>could live for ever no matter if the real individual could renounce it.
>Gonzalo's capitulation created the first significant split of the PCP-SL.
>>From 1970 to 1993 Gonzalo was able to expel factions which didn't have any
>later importance (like the Bolsheviks in mid-1970s or New Democracy
>in the early 1980s which opposed a premature and "Hoxhaite" starting of the
>people's war). The "Great Decision" was the first big explosion.
>Nevertheless, the explosion continues.
>The Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), a Maoist international
>created around Aavakian's RCP (USA) which was the main international
>supporter of the PCP-SL, adopted a contemplative position. For the RIM there
>was a battle of two lines. At the end the RIM decided to side with the
>faction which was continuing the war.
>The pro-Feliciano supporters became very upset with these oscillations. The
>Maoist Internationalist Movement (a clandestine USA-base group) took the
>opportunity to oppose the RIM. The MIM have a lesbian symbol and are trying
>to became the best defenders of the PCP-SL's Central Committee while it
>is killing homosexuals as part of increasing the morals of the PCP-SL's
>"liberated areas".
>The Peruvian supporters of Feliciano's PCP-SL are divided between the
>pro-RIM, the pro-MIM and the "Red Flag" which is against both US Maoist
>The "Red Flag" claim to be the only representative of the PCP-SL's Central
>Committee abroad. It is in charge of the PCP Web Page. It criticised the
>pro-MIM for fighting for the defence of Gonzalo and the political prisoners.
>They are against the defence of most of the PCP-SL prisoners because they are
>supporting the "peace agreements". They are trying to separate Gonzalo
>thought from his body. The importance thing is to stress the militarist
>Gonzalo thought and the Central Committee which is now the only living
>incarnation of that thought. For the "Red Flag" the Maoists who are
>supporting the people's war but also have some illusions in Gonzalo's living
>person could end in a new peace agreement. The "Red Flag" accused Olaechea
>and Arce Borja as leaders which are trying to use the PCP-SL struggle to
>build their own popularity.
>The MIM and El Diario Internacional are denouncing the "Red Flag" as a CIA
>plot like they denounce the rest of the left. Olaechea and Arce Borja are
>trying to be the only authority outside Peru in supporting the "people's
>war". They are trying to build a World Mobilisation Committee, which is in
>fact an attempt to create a new Maoist international around the MIM and some
>pro-Feliciano committees.
>The wars between all these factions are based on slanders, accusations and
>verbal and physical violence. The pro-Feliciano forces openly congratulated
>their comrades when they killed members of the Gonzalo's pro-peace agreement
>faction. The different pro-Feliciano groups attack with any kind of slander
>or dirty accusations. Many supporters of the PCP-SL are demoralised and
>outside these wars.
>The PCP-SL is in a terminal crisis. Gonzalo decided to became a new Haya de
>la Torre. Haya was the founder of a mass petit bourgeois anti-imperialist
>party in 1924. In the early 1930s the APRA organised terrorist attacks and
>putches.  Nevertheless, in the 1940s and 1950s it became an imperialist
>puppet. In the late 1950s and in the early 1960s Haya initiated
>super-coexistence with Prado and Odria, right wing anti-communist
>dictators which persecuted the APRA when they were in power.
>Gonzalo's capitulation is even worst than the terrible "convivence" of
>Haya de la Torre. Gonzalo wants to be like "Comandante Rolando", the leader
>of Bolivian Maoism who launched a popular war against a left bourgeois
>nationalist regime in 1970, who became part of the establishment and
>minister of labour of very anti-working class regimes in recent years.
>Today there is a dirty game between the two factions of the PCP-SL (the
>pro-people's war and the pro-peace agreement). Gonzalo is playing with both.
>He use the militarist wing and its violent attacks to push Fujimori to make
>concessions to him. And he tries to press Fujimori to allow more freedoms
>for his pro-peace comrades with the aim of stopping the militarists. When a
>significant pro-Feliciano militarist is captured, the army sends him to
>talk with Gonzalo and he would convince him or her to abandon Feliciano and
>to support him.
>This is creating problems among Feliciano's supporters. Some want
>a complete breakdown with the possibility of having any link with the peace
>agreement. Some want to continue in armed struggle until Gonzalo could
>achieve more concessions from the regime.
>None of these factions would lead a workers and peasant revolution. The
>PCP-SL strategy is based on a complete rejection of Bolshevism. Only a
>proletarian revolution made by workers and peasant councils and militias
>and lead by a MASS leninist-trotskyst party could abolish capitalism. The
>PCP-SL is against the workers and peasants organisations, councils and
>militias because they are "fascist" or "revisionist". The PCP-SL is against
>the building of a mass party using the electoral tribune and united front
>tactics. The PCP-SL is against general strikes, soviets and insurrections.
>They wanted a private war with the army in which the working class is a
>subordinate entity which has to abandon its programme and class interests
>and to follow the militarist petit bourgeoisie.
>The electoralist stalinists (United Left) and the militarist stalinists
>(MRTA and PCP-SL) block the road to a proletarian revolution because they
>are against the creation of workers power and they are for a popular front
>with sections of the bourgeoisie. We defend every left group against
>repression and we are for the unconditional freedom of all their prisoners.
>We don't fight only for the release of our comrades and the crushing of the
>other left forces. We demand all the Peruvian left and unions to make a
>united front in ACTIONS with the aim to mobilise the workers and peasants
>against more privatisation, more militarism and more laws against the
>unions and the workers.
>In that fight the trotskyists from Poder Obrero and other groups should
>work to converge and to develop a new revolutionary party.
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