The crisis of the PCP-SL (2)

Hugh Rodwell m-14970 at mailbox.swipnet.se
Sat Oct 12 15:17:56 MDT 1996


I've been asked to forward this.

Cheers,

Hugh

_________________________________________________________



Robert Malecki wrote:

> <snip>
>
> I support this document. It is a very good description of the demise of the
> PCP both in Peru and Internationally after the fall of the great leader
> Gonzalo. And the stuff about keeping the halo of Gonzalo by all of the wings
> of the PCP is just incredible while at the same time the great leader is
> selling out to the generals!


Richard Bos wrote:

>It seems rather incredible to me too.
>
> Are they suggesting some kind of conspiracy between two wings of the PCP?
> They hate each other in public, but not in private? Or are they
>suggesting that Gonzalez has managed to fool two opposing organisations
>into accepting his leadership in opposite directions from his prison cell?
>
> Each time I read any of this I get left with more questions. I am slowly
>working things out though, but I still intend to keep out of the
>denunciations game.


I answer:


                                + 1 +

It is difficult to know what is *really* going on.
The PCP-SL is a highly militarised organisation without any kind of internal
democracy.

One of the problems with every left militarist apparatus is that it could be
very heavily infiltrated by the army. The leader of the terrorist wing of
the Socialist Revolutionaries in Russia was an agent and he managed to lead
the murder of his boss, the leader of the Russian secret service. Today the
PCP-SL is very much infiltrated by the secret service.

Fujimori adopted a new repressive law. With the new legislation every person
suspected to be "terrorist" could be put in jail and for all his life he/she
will only receive one monthly visit for half hour. The "terrorists" are not
judged by civil tribunals; they have to go to secret military trials in
which the judges are anonymous and have masks. People that could be in
favour of the freedom of some PCP-SL members could also be put in jail.

Fujimori combines the carrot and the stick. There is a "law of repentance"
and any "terrorist" which could give valuable information to the police
could be released. *Many* political prisoners became informers.

A very important question is the relation between the PCP-SL and the masses.
In the 1980s many poor people saw the PCP-SL as a possible liberator.
Nevertheless, their methods alienated many people. For the majority of the
poor people in the shanty towns the PCP-SL was responsible for the lack of
electricity which reduced jobs, rotted the food in the refrigerators, etc.
(the PCP-SL quite often destroy electricity plants and poles). In the
countryside the PCP-SL smashed industrial plants, slaughtered thousands of
animals (cows, sheep, llama, etc.), destroyed bridges, roads and posts, etc.
The PCP-SL was trying to undermine the rural co-operatives and to "surround"
the cities but they manage to undermine their relation with several layers
of the poor population.  The PCP-SL threatened the rank and file assemblies
and killed left-wing political opponents, the PCP-SL provoked the entrance of
the army, etc.

In the 1990s the Peruvians wanted to end more than one decade of
hyper-inflation and chaos. The working class was paralysed by the PCP-SL and
United Left. The great majority of the poor people look for a salvation.
They fine one in Fujimori. Unfortunately he is still very popular. He has
60% of support in the opinion polls. Many poor people are supporting
Fujimori because they think that he is the only one that could stop
hyper-inflation and "terrorism". The PCP-SL IS VERY ISOLATED. It could have
some military actions and could have some influence in the Huallaga river
and other rural areas, but it's influence has diminished very much. The
majority
of the Peruvian people are very disappointed with "politics". The people
which one decade ago wanted a change through political action are trying to
survive working as hard as they can. The working class is in  period of
defeat and retreat.

In a context of marginalisation from the masses, internal crisis,
frustration and heavy police infiltration, many things could happen around
the PCP-SL.

Gonzalo decided to make his big shift three years ago. He and his supporters
inside the jail are receiving papers, better living conditions, TV publicity
and the possibility to co-ordinate between them. On the contrary, prisoners
>from the MRTA and other groups against the "peace agreement" can't read
newspapers, are very bad treated and can't communicate very well between
each other. Most of the most dangerous political prisoners are in Canto
Grande (Lima) but there are other jails in different places around Lima and
Peru. Gonzalo is in a special marine prison in Callao (Lima's port) and the
main group of PCPSL leaders are in Yanamayo (4,000 meters above the sea and
south of Lima on the border with Bolivia). How can they contact
between each other? How can the leaders of the peace agreement discuss
among themselves and how can they meet? The police service is helping them
transporting people or messages from one place to another. Gonzalo was able
to speak directly with many PCP-SL prisoners which were transported from
other prisons only for having some interviews with their supreme leader.

Gonzalo's faction is openly in favour of giving up the "people's war" and to
commit themselves to a "peace process". They recognise Fujimori as the
legitimate President of Peru and they are willing to help him in his
"pacification" role. The PCP-SL which doesn't agree with the peace process
doesn't attack Gonzalo. The clandestine and pro-people's war PCP-SL's Central
Committee knows perfectly that Gonzalo is for the peace agreement. There are
too much evidences: several TV broadcasts, handwritings, pictures, and the
open support of Gonzalo's relatives and all the PCPSL leaders in jail.
It is very hard to believe that Gonzalo didn't have any form to communicate
his disagreements against the peace process in 3 years. he received at least
one monthly visit. Lenin or Trotsky in Siberia and even the Left Opposition
comrades under the terrible conditions of Stalin's concentration camps were
able to communicate some of their views outside the prisons.

It could be said that Gonzalo capitulated due to tortures. Nevertheless, no
guerrilla prisoner in the history of Peru did that before. This is something
that never happened before to Hugo Blanco, Bejar and all the prisoners from
the 1960s guerrillas, all the leaders of the PCP-SL which were in jail from
1980 to 1993 and most of the leaders of the MRTA until 1996.

All the important PCP-SL cadres in jail were capable of great sacrifices.
They made very valiant actions inside the jails and in 1986 around 300 of
them were killed. The PCP-SL had a slogan "if you want to make a rebellion
against the emperor you should be prepared to be blown up into 1,000 pieces".
Leaders like John Wallace in Scotland or Jose Olaya or Tupac Amaru preferred
to be smashed in pieces rather than to capitulate. Why would the great
leader, the "greatest living Marxist" and the "only guarantee of victory",
be the
only one that surrendered to tortures?

Gonzalo's physical aspect doesn't show a great degree of tortures. He could
be put under drugs, but how would these affect him over 3 years? How all
the Central Committee leaders and nearly all the thousands of political
prisoners in jail could be convinced by a mentally unhealthy and not stable
person and how could they today actively agree with him?

Gonzalo's  family abroad spoke with him by telephone and they are convince
that he is in favour of a "peace agreement". The majority of the PCPSL
supporters in Europe are promoting the "peace agreement". None of them face
any serious physical threat. They don't need to capitulate to defend their
life. They simply agree with the new order of the semi-god.

Gonzalo's new documents shows that he is still a very lucid man and that
only he could have the capacity and the style to write them. The Peruvian
SIN was more intelligent. It managed to use persuasion to influence the
"great leader".


                                +2+

Gonzalo's capitulation has to be investigated in his program and policies.
Most people would denounce him as a coward but that's not my position. In
the early 1980s Poder Obrero always wrote that the PCP-SL would capitulate to
the reaction. Why?

In the third world we always have very radical anti-imperialist petit
bourgeois movements which are not based in the working class. We defend them
against the reaction but we try to organise the working class as a separate
class with its own revolutionary party, councils and militias. The small
property is against the big property but also against the wage workers. In
some moment the small property would need to shift towards the big property
with the aim to develop an stable state and to smash the wage workers.

In the Andes the APRA (Peru) and the MNR (Bolivia) made many militarist
actions in their "anti-imperialist" early days. Nevertheless, all of them
became imperialist puppets. In the recent years we saw how the FSLN, the
FMLN, the Colombian M-19, the Bolivian MIR, the Ecuatorian Alfaro Vive, etc.
became part of the establishment and how they use their forces to attack the
working class strikes.

Marxist policies in relation to the petit bourgeois militarism are based on
the following criteria:

* The capitalist state is the main enemy and we would never support any
state's action against the guerrillas.

* We call the anti-imperialist petit bourgeoisie to mobilise the masses and
to allow the creation of big unions, councils and militias subordinated to
rank and file assemblies.

* At the same time that we call for the anti-imperialist petit bourgeoisie
to take part in a united front, we need to criticise them and to organise a
separate WORKERS party in OPPOSITION to them.

* We need to always denounce that the radical petit bourgeoisie WILL
capitulate. They don't centre their work amongst the industrial proletariat
and they don't reflect it. It is inevitable that the guerrillas would end on
the opposite side of the barricades. All the petit bourgeois guerrillas
finished in one of these 4 ways:

1) Destruction or marginalisation (like the armed groups in Italy, Germany,
Bolivia, etc.)

2) Capitulating to the establishment (Colombia, Peru, Central America, etc.)

3) If they took power they would rebuild a bourgeois state (Angola,
Mozambique, Nicaragua, etc.). The right wing would use the left
"anti-imperialist" guerrilla to demobilise the masses and to prepare the
conditions for its reactionary return to power. In Palestine and South
Africa the former anti-imperialist fighters today are trying to
reform-maintain the racist states.

4) In a few circumstances (like in east Asia, east Europe and Cuba) the
guerrillas could expropriate the bourgeoisie and create a bureaucratic
stalinist workers state which suppress workers democracy and active
proletarian internationalism. The destruction of the USSR and the process of
capitalist restoration in the east will prevent such an outcome in the near
future. A ruling bureaucracy from a degenerated workers state always has
the possibility of destroying its own previous creation and starting to
restore capitalism.

In no place in the planet did the anti-imperialist petit bourgeois guerrillas
lead to a workers council state, to a semi-state like the Commune of Paris or
the Lenin and Trotsky Russian Soviet state.

* A revolutionary workers party has to use the parliament and electoral
tribune and the union and mass struggle to organise itself and to mobilise
the toilers. We are against a military-political party because it creates a
bureaucratic authoritarian machine which kills workers democracy and
Bolshevik discussion and democratic-centralism. The workers would have arms
when they became a class so politically active they could attract the majority
of the population and several layers of the troops to their power bodies. We
are for patient work amongst the masses and for a future insurrection led
by workers and peasants councils and militias and supported by significant
sections of the army's rank and file. We are against all the guerrillerist
strategies because they are not led by the workers and often they would
end up attacking the workers. We are for THE SAME STRATEGY AS THE BOLSHEVIKS:
the priority is the work amongst the workers and to prepare councils and a
MASS revolutionary party that could prepare an insurrection in a
revolutionary crisis.

In the Andes we are not in favour of launching today a war or armed
struggle, but we are in favour of self-defence committees. In Peru we don't
have a revolutionary crisis. On the contrary, we have a period of
reactionary offensive in which the masses have to defend themselves and the
left and unions need to grow.


                                +3+

Gonzalo and the historical leadership in jail are promoting a "peace
agreement". In Palestine the Hamas and the different "people's liberation
fronts" and former PLO left-wingers are openly attacking Arafat, the
Palestinean great leader, as a a traitor. In Colombia the guerrilla forces
which opposed the peace process organised by the M-19, PRT, Quintin Lama and
some wings of the EPL and ELN are openly denouncing their former leaders and
comrades as traitors.

The PCP-SL pro-war faction doesn't want to break with Gonzalo. Why?
The only explanation is that they don't want to break all the bridges
towards a "peace agreement". The existence of a militarist PCP-SL faction is
no longer considered as a risk for the state. Of course the army would
like to finish it. Nevertheless, everybody is taking advantage of the
existence of a very small militarist group.

The army and Fujimori are using the "phantom" of "terrorism" to impose the
worst anti-union laws in the continent. In Peru Fujimori was able to smash
labour security and most of the rights to strike and unionise because he
used an "anti-terrorist legislation". The universities and factories have
police and military control. The left, the street demonstrations and the
unions are under big intimidation. In short, the existence of a diminished
guerrilla activity is being used to justify terrible attacks against the
workers and poor people under "anti-terrorist" laws.

Gonzalo is using the existence of a militarist faction to press Fujimori for
more concessions. He is trying to convince the military that if he and his
supporters were released he would be capable of ending the war. Gonzalo
would not be completely happy if all the military actions would finish
because it would mean that he doesn't have anything to use to press and make
deals.

I am not suggesting than Gonzalo is leading Feliciano's anti-peace
agreement faction. Most probably Feliciano and his people have their own
independence and their own agenda. I am suggesting that there is some kind
of co-habitation and mutual interests. Gonzalo in a way try to take
advantage of Felciano's military actions to obtain more concessions.
Feliciano doesn't want to break with Gonzalo and to any possibility for a
future reconciliation with him.


                                Appendix

After I sent the message "The crisis of the PCP-SL" I received two messages
sent to the marxist-list which confirms what I said:

For "The Red Flag": "The handful of capitulating opportunists in Yanamayo
have abandoned the revolutionary struggle and have enlisted themselves in
the ranks of the counter-revolution.  Now, are Luis Arce Borja and Adolfo
Olaechea proposing to defend the black clique in Yanamayo as
"political prisoners"? It is clear that international supporters of the
People's War should never defend those "historic" revisionists (Osman
Morote, Cox, Meche, etc.) who struggle for class treason and
capitulation, and oppose the construction of the Conquest of Power
nationwide.  The "historic" clique of renegades operating from Yanamavo
cannot be defended. On the contrary, they must be crushed, as the
PCP-Central Committee has clearly indicated in February 1994. In Europe,
a follower of the black clique, Javier Esparza "the individual in
Sweden," is a close partner of the Yankee revisionist Robert Avakian
(RCP-USA) who also imposes a right opportunist line in CORIM.  The
disagreements and partial split between the Esparza+Avakian group and
the LAB+AO gang (because they compete for "recognition" as world
"leaders") could end in the WMC, and could lead to a new call for a new
"peace accord" in order to "defend the life of prisoners."

"The Red Flag" recognized the fact that the majority of the PCP-SL leadership
in jail is for a "peace agreement". It is also denouncing the possibility
that some leading supporters of the PCP/SL people's war faction in Europe
are interested in supporting the liberation of the political prisoners
which agree with the peace agreement because they are preparing a new "peace
agreement".

In fact, it is the line of not breaking openly with Gonzalo which could lead
to a new capitulation. "The Red Flag" and "El Diario Internacional", the MIM
and the RIM could be involved in a future "peace process". It would not be
the first time than Maoism could end making peace deals with their former
enemies.

In a recent post from Olaechea "El Diario Internacional" recognized that
most of the people which defended the PCP-SL abroad are now with the "peace
agreement":

"It is good to remember that - up until October 1993 - the
*most active people in publicising the documents of PCP and in
cheer-leading the People's War*, were those who are now working
for the "peace agreement" and for the Peruvian regime."

Olaechea and Quispe wants to cover the sun with a finger. Why people which
led the Gonzalo's party and army and which sacrifice their life could became
suddenly "agents" and "spies"? How it is possible that most of the PCP-SL
active supporters abroad and that most of the PCP-SL leaders in jail could
agree with Gonzalo's peace process if it is not organise by "Chairam
Gonzalo" himself?

In their incapacity to try to see the reality they create "phantoms". "All
is a big plot". "Everybody are spies and agents".

The PCP-SL supporters abroad are so disoriented that they don't know what is
happening in Peru and instead of using political arguments to deal
with their differences, they are accusing each other to be agents, etc.

Arce Borja was a very valiant journalist which risk his life for writing
every day in favour of the PCP/SL. Olaechea was not the leader of a Soviet
in Lima in 1963 but he was an student activist before he travel to London
and, despite all his lies, he has the merit of publicly defending the
PCP/SL and he can't return to his fatherland. The people which are making
the PCP/SL Web page and publishing "The Red Flag" are also very dedicated
activists. They are not CIA or Fujimori agents. They are extremely confused
fighters. They should stop slandering themselves with all kinds of labels and
they need to discuss their real differences in a high political level.

For Olaechea everybody which disagree with him is an agent. He sent another
message:

"The campaign in Peru - sponsored by the CIA and a group of FBI agents in
this list - carried out by the Fujimori regime and its National Intelligence
Service is also centered in trying to slur the communist credentials of the
Chairman of the Communist Party of Peru, taking advantage of the fact that
they have him in prison.  They too have engineered a plot to undermine the
revolution by portraying its leader as a capitulator and collaborator with
the pro-imperialist regime which oppresses the Peruvian people....
The Fujimori regime, together with a group of US intelligence operatives,
have even mounted a phoney "PCP-Web page"....
Now, according to the Fujimori Zoo of "Quispe-Ponce-Chiara-Huillca and Co"
Gonzalo THOUGHT has become "separated" from the person of the leader of the
Peruvian revolution.  When was the last time your thoughts separated from
your body Lou?  Malecki's did long ago, after the 2023 Lsd overdosis, or
thereabouts!"

To the credit of Olaechea we have to say that he doesn't need any doses of
LSD to write the most incredible nonsense. Quispe is a supporter of the
Central Committee of the PCP-SL, Ponce is a not very important Peruvian
trotskyist militant and Huillca and Chiara were killed before the "peace
agreement". How can they could have a common position on the "peace
agreement"?

Does he think that Huillca and Chiara spirits are participating in the
debate using Quiospe or Ponce as their mediums? We know that he likes Hare
Krisna but we didn't know that he liked the witches and the Voodoo.

Olaechea and Quispe have a different approach to the Gonzalo betrayal.
Quispe and the "Red Flag" are trying to find a way to divorce themselves
>from Gonzalo the real person who capitulated to the regime. They are trying
to separate the body and the ideas. They would like to condemn the body
which capitulated to the regime but not their religious thought. Olaechea is
right, it is not possible to separate the body and the ideas. Nevertheless,
he simply ignores the reality. For him everything that can not fit in his
schemas is a CIA plot and every person in this list who don't agree with him
is another fascist CIA agent.




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