mstainsby at SPAMhotmail.com
Fri Aug 27 23:08:44 MDT 1999
>Macdonald Stainsby wrote:
>[... Juan wrote:]
> > > But the PCP did not see
> > >imperialism as the main enemy. No, that role it reserved for
> > >"revisionism."
> > Sorry. wrong!
> > Should you have a look at their traditional historical practices against
> > their targets [...]
>Like what, for example?
I'm not wxactly sure what you are asking for. If you mean targets, I
certainly am not here to deny that they have been often reckless. That is
not the point. The targets are selected on the basis of making the country
ungovernable for reaction. In this sense, it is similar to the NLF. The NLF
was capable of surviving until the opponent (Imperialism ala the US Army) no
longer found it more expedient to fight than retreat. To defeat the US or US
sponsored puppets like the Fujimori clique, one does essentially need to use
this thinking as a large part.
Targets have often included such things as power stations, and when
these are attacked it causes extra suffering for the oppressed in this
region effected. This is a short term suffering, and it makes running a
smooth economy infeasable, or so goes the theory. The same can be said of
attacking all "officials" of the state apparatus. Fortunately (in this
scenario) for many of the revolutionary movements that have employed this,
the states are often straight up dictatorships, such as Vietnam or China. In
the case of "window dressing" elections, as in Peru, when a decision is made
to attack (physically or through propaganda) such institutions, you will end
up with a scenario of armed members of a revolutionary army vs. an array of
revolutionary speakers (who can have been working with real passion and,
indeed proper motivation).
In Peru, these conflicts have occured during the seige of Lima in
particular. The attacks on infrastructure has resulted in a number of
indiscriminate deaths. Lamentable, but is it condemnable? Only if we can
convince ourselves of several factors:
1. There is absolutely no way that such measures are actually weakening the
state apparatus to the brink of collapse on other fronts.
2. The stories of "madmen" are accurate to the point where the size of the
army and it's ability to trust sectors of the population are not in any way
commensurate with a revolutioary force (which is the option, we either
believe thay are crazy terrorists and that their sustaining and growing
power over a space of time is a tremendous fluke, or we believe that the
same group trhat started the "People's War" has slowly and systematically
terrorized the polulation into joining it. This second role belongs to the
far more powerful foe- Fujimori's US backed government)
3. The world could somehow be better off by asking a revolutionary movement
to disband and leave Peru in the US/Capitalist grip. This option appears to
have been forced upon us, and anyone who celebrates this should seriously
consider the long-term consequences for the country of Peru, the continent
of South America and the world at large which is in desperate need of the
knowledge that, yes, Imperialism can fall. Not likely, however, when we
attack our comrades.
4. We also need to be able to prove that there is a true and tested measure
that WILL succeed, which is impossible through mere theory. What is needed
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