Fwd: The Second Communist Manifesto (A.B. Razlatzki)

Macdonald Stainsby mstainsby at SPAMhotmail.com
Mon Oct 11 14:49:52 MDT 1999

>From: "stachkom" <stachkom at transit.samara.ru>
>Introduction for Western and World Readers
>The Crisis of the International Workers Movement
>The world-wide impact of the collapse of the Soviet Union on the workers
>movement has been extraordinary. Increasing reaction in the decade leading
>up to, and that succeeding, this final implosion of the putrid remnants of
>the world's first proletarian dictatorship, led to retreat after retreat of
>the working class. Though, on a world basis, the effects were a little more
>uneven, certainly in the advanced capitalist countries, the, primarily
>self-proclaimed, "advanced detachments of the working class," fell victim
>an almost unbelievably rapid withering and decline.
>At first glance this seems quite remarkable. After all, the entire,
>revolutionary left had opposed the Soviet Union in one way or another; so
>why were they all so devastated by its collapse? Only the thoroughly
>bourgeois French and Italian communist parties were less affected, and even
>they suffered significantly.
>A Simple Question! What Went Wrong?
>Yet in fact, a common thread connected them. None among them had any real,
>useful answer to the simple question of the working class, "What went
>wrong?" When those of them that still had the fortitude to get up at four
>a winter's morning to hand out their propaganda to workers going on shift
>were confronted with the inevitable "Go back to Russia!" taunt, instead of
>being able to straighten up, look their misguided tormentor in the eye, and
>say with conviction "I'd like nothing better!" the best they could do was
>shuffle their feet and launch into a long, dull, slippery presentation
>on the chosen formula of their particular sect.
>With no genuine Marxist analysis of the phenomena, the movement was
>completely hamstrung. The most intellectual of the left trend, whether
>within the predominantly petty-bourgeois, radical, activist left circles or
>among those who had become ensconsed in academia, showed themselves to be
>completely incapable of producing anything more than a lot of hopeless
>moaning about what might have been and self-flagellation about the lack of
>an ideological compass.
>Such is the tragedy of the Western left at the threshold of the millennium;
>and whatever uneveness their may be elsewhere, it is a tragedy shared by
>progressive forces around the world.
>Marxism has the Answer
>It is doubly tragic that, in fact, the missing, creative development of
>Marxism which might have broken the impasse has existed since 1979 when
>Alexsei B. Razlatzki wrote "The Second Communist Manifesto."
>Still, better late than never!
>The Five Extraordinaries are Good!
>"The Second Communist Manifesto" is an altogether remarkable work. To
>a styling (but not an ideology!) from Mao Tse-Tung; this work is permeated
>with the Five Extraordinaries. It has extraordinary scope, extraordinary
>depth and extraordinary creativity, it shows extraordinary prescience and
>has extraordinary practical implications for the revolution.
>Its scope is sufficiently broad as to justify its borrowing the title of
>jewel of the popular works of Marxism. It is truly a worthy successor to
>"Communist Manifesto" by Marx and Engels. It is not an easy work to read,
>yet it is both simple and accessible. Although aimed squarely at the
>proletariat, its scope utterly transcends its own immediate aims, which
>gives it an enormous significance for the international working class and
>their advanced detachments.
>It is also a work of great depth. Razlatzki's profound grasp of Marxist
>materialism and the dialectic of history is revealed again and again. His
>relentlessly proletarian perspective is coupled with a deep humanistic
>concern for the fate of our species.
>It is a work that positively sparkles with creative developments of
> >From the pressing questions of the relationships between the proletariat,
>its party and its state under the dictatorship of the proletariat, to the
>ideological degeneration of the intelligentsia in the period since the
>second world war, this little book is packed with vital, original Marxist
>insights and powerful, new, analytic categories. It is intended as a
>work, so its insights have a synoptic form; but it is easy to see that
>behind these concentrated expressions, lies a broad, dialectical,
>and materialist understanding of the human condition, which Razlatzki's
>untimely death in 1989, has, alas, left for the proletarian intelligentsia
>to reconstruct.
>Again and again, Razlatzki shows the power of Marxist materialism by
>correctly prophesying the fate of the Soviet Union, the character of the
>succeeding regime, the crisis of the workers movement in the capitalist
>countries; and all this fully a decade before these events took place. It
>even makes some predictions which, while they have yet to be fulfilled, act
>as sign posts to the future. For example, with a single sentence, it
>sketches the outlines of proletarian environmentalism, pointing the way to
>the political economy of the communist future.
>And finally, this is a work with enormous practical significance for the
>working class of the entire world. Not only does it answer the question
>"What went wrong?" but it provides the proletariat with the guidelines it
>needs to reestablish its dictatorship and to secure it against the
>degeneration which overwhelmed the entire socialist camp. It answers the
>question of the collapse of the Western left in the wake of the demise of
>the Soviet Union, and, with its devastating critique of the bourgeois
>intelligentsia, places the tasks of the proletarian intelligentsia firmly
>the agenda.
>The Path to Communism
>Is it a book free of all errors and omissions? Of course not! Is it a
>for a march to communism without any difficulties? No more than Marx's
>"Capital" or Lenin's "State and Revolution" or any book could be! But, like
>both of these, it is a work that does the world's proletarians an
>inestimable service. It clarifies the crucial contradictions driving
>developments in today's world, it sets the agenda for struggle against the
>senseless cruelties of advanced capitalism and it arms the proletariat
>against the apparently innocent errors which led to the wreck of the first
>great wave of proletarian revolution. In short, by summarizing and
>concentrating the proletariat's experience of the first wave of
>it prepares the way for the second, decisive round in the global contest
>between the two great classes of the epoch, the proletariat and the
>bourgeoisie. And it is the only work of Marxism which lays out in such
>practical detail the road which must be travelled to reach the goal of a
>classless society, of communism.
>Every true communist longs for the withering away of even the proletarian
>state, (and, especially since the wreck of October, even before it has been
>created!) seeing in it, terrible limitations on the sovereignty of the
>itself. What need has the self-active, self-directing subject, the
>international proletariat, for such a coercive apparatus? Yet it is only in
>moments of fatigue and of profoundly anarchist despair (alas, all too
>in the late 20th century) that conscious Marxists can wish away the
>necessity of a state apparatus in the transition period of the dictatorship
>of the proletariat, and can comfort themselves with the utopian fantasy of
>an immediate transition to classlessness.
>Perhaps too, the international communist movement shares the blame for such
>anarchist despair. Since the publication of Engels' work "Socialism:
>and Scientific," there has been a tendency among communists to shy away
>any analysis of developments after the achievement of proletarian
>dictatorship out of a fear of being labelled a utopian socialist. So as,
>by one, the bastions of the proletarian dictatorship were overwhelmed by
>silent counterrevolution, honest communists found themselves on the horns
>dilemma. To understand the events of the present requires not only
>of history but also an understanding of the paths to the ultimate goal, to
>the future; yet, by the very tradition of the movement itself, to study the
>paths to the future was to lay oneself open to an automatic, though not
>always well-grounded, charge of utopianism.
>"The Second Communist Manifesto" clears away these cobwebs and shows the
>working class how it can create and maintain that proletarian dictatorship
>whose highest aim is its own rapid withering away.
>What Is To Be Done?
>It is not an easy work! Advanced proletarians who read it will be able to
>more rapidly assimilate its content, but many, even of the honest elements
>of the Western communist left, will find this very difficult. There is
>something here to irritate each of them; Trotskyites, neo-Stalinists,
>Maoists, and Hoxhaites who cannot advance beyond refighting the battles of
>20's, 30's, 40's, 50's and even 60's and 70's will all be equally enraged
>its challenge to their deeply ingrained prejudices. This alone should tell
>them something!
>And truly this baggage is the primary reason that it is not an easy work.
>you, dear reader, can read this work with an open mind it will amply repay
>your effort! And as you struggle with a passage, first, blame the
>who was unequal to his task; and second, blame the CPSU who forced this
>to be created under conditions of extreme repression and illegality, who
>forced it to be 'published' in hand-written form. And if you want to
>the sacrifice of those who preserved this legacy for the workers of the
>entire world by copying it out by hand, then translate this work into all
>the languages of humanity. The working class will thank you!
>Introduction for Western and World Readers -
>Introduction (1999) - http://www.samara.ru/~stachkom/hm_2_ikr.html
>Foreword - http://www.samara.ru/~stachkom/hm_2_i.html
>Part I: Bourgeois and Proletarian -
>Part II: Proletariat - Boss - http://www.samara.ru/~stachkom/hm_2_2.html
>Part III: The Crisis of the Workers Movement -
>Part IV: Proletarian Dictatorship & Proletarian Democracy -
>Part V: Classes and the Struggle for Socialism -
>The Strike Commitee of Samara (Stachkom).
>E-mail: stachkom at transit.samara.ru      stachkom at mail.ru
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