[L-I] Re: a clip of bourgeois news on Colombia
L.WILLMS at SPAMlink-f.frankfurt.org
Fri Aug 18 15:31:30 MDT 2000
schrieb Johannes.Schneider at gmx.net (Johannes Schneider)
in 399C63AD.5D71836B at gmx.net
ueber Re: [L-I] Re: a clip of bourgeois news on Colombia
JS> I agree with most of what you have said about the need for
JS> peasant-worker alliance and the class character of guerilla
JS> movements, but havent there been historic examples of rural guerilla
JS> armies winning state power without the active support of the urban
JS> working class?
State power for which class?
JS> I am thinking of China, Cuba, Nicaragua and more recently
JS> Eritrea/Ethiopia, Uganda, Ruanda and Congo/Zaire.
Very different cases. Only in the first three countries, worker-
farmer governments came out of the struggle, and only in China and
Cuba this progressed towards a socialist revolution. The worker-farmer
government led by the FSLN in Nicaragua refrained from advancing the
struggle to a socialist revolution after winning the war against the
contras and had to pay the price with their electoral defeat in
And while it can be said that in China the proclamation of the
Peoples Republic in Peking in 1949 marks the beginning of a popular
revolutionary government, we cannot speak of a _socialist_ revolution
And this revolutionary transformation _did_ involve the working
class, and also the _urban_ working class (while at the same time
destroying the democratic rights of the working class, subjugating it
to the petty bourgois burocracy).
In Cuba there was not only the _urban_ working class, but also a
_rural_ proletariat on the big plantations, especially the sugar
There can be no _socialist_ revolution without the intervention of
proletarian masses in some form of a civil war, how subdued and
deformed this might be.
It is also important to note that the socialist revolution in China
was not only deformed by the simultaneous political atomization of the
proletariat, but also by the petty-bourgois character of the
leadership which was reinforced by their political training in the
stalinist school; whereas in Cuba there was and still is a
revolutionary leadership which developed outside and in opposition to
the stalinist party and which proved capable and willing to lead the
proletariat, not only against the national bourgeoisie and
imperialism, but also against the burocracy (think of the two
Escalante cases, of the "rectification" and the Ochoa case).
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