Who is Patrice Marchak?

Nestor Miguel Gorojovsky gorojovsky at SPAMinea.com.ar
Sun Jun 25 15:14:04 MDT 2000


En relación a Re: Who is Patrice Marchak?,
el 25 Jun 00, a las 14:58, Julio Pino dijo:

> Marchak is a loony bird, but she is right that the savagery of the
> Dirty War cannot be reduced simply to the military carrying out the
> wishes of the Argentine oligarchy. "El Proceso" furnished its own
> ideology, some of it no doubt repugnant to both the Argentine upper
> classes and their foreign backers. Nestor can best commment on this,
> but the anti-semitism of the junta seems to have been in-grown, a
> vestige of Pre-Peron fascism, rather than something imposed by the
> bourgeosie on the armed forces.Certainly, Timmerman's "Prisoner
> without a Name, Cell without a Number" gives that impression. Julio
> Cesar

Yes and no. The source is a slippery and (in my own opinion) a non
trustworthy one. Most of the hatred of the Proceso was unleashed
against the "negros". There was some anti-Semitism, but it was not as
serious as Timmerman wants to make it look like. I would even go to
the length to say, rather brazenly, that most of the Proceso's "own"
ideology was objectively and potentially anti-imperialist, in that it
pursued the establishment of strong Armed Forces with their own
autonomy in the defense of our frontiers. And, never forget,
Argentina has occupied territories. These "original" traits of the
Proceso lay -at least in part- behind the Malvinas war. Not of the
miscalculations, but of the war itself.

What moved the military, in fact, was the decission to put an end to
a country they hated as a whole because it had generated the state of
affairs where the "subversive guerrilla" were ready to take over.
This was the basic and first justification. The Radical party
politicians who, at first, tended to support Videla, soon discovered
that the Proceso had been also aimed against them.

The first enemy, on a social level, however, were Peronist workers
and combative union activists. Working class families were stormed at
their homes, workplaces became a chamber of hell, union work a most
dangerous activity, and Peronist militants were killed by the
thousands, more so than Leftist militants, in fact (though, of
course, repression did not discriminate: Peronism was accused of
opening the gates to Communism since 1955, the problem is that in
working class neighborhoods there were lots of Peronists and just a
handful of quite harmless Communists; the Argentinian Communist
Party, by the way and to their shame, insisted in that Videla had to
be supported because there would be a Fascist military government if
Videla was ousted: in fact, the CP was defending the corn trade
agreements between Argentina and the USSR!).

For the middle class, the Proceso kept in hiding the ideological
return to the Black Ages, which was somehow pampered, however, at
least for the non-salary earning middle classes, by the sudden
possibilities to squander dollars abroad purchasing whatever they
wanted (Argentinian middle class tourists to Miami came to be known
as "déme dos", gimme two, and those who could not make it to Miami
went to Uruguaiana in Brazil; I remember our list member Fernando L,
on a flash visit to Buenos Aires from Venezuela, asking me in awe
"where had those Argie monsters spurted out from").  Wage earning
middle classes had a fate similar to that of the working class,
though milder. These layers, however, bore the brunt of the brutally
reactionary educational policy.

The basis of the Radical party was made up by these middle classes,
and the differentiation within them implied that the Radical party
had to either disappear or change out of every possibility of
recognizement. So that old Radical politicians (Balbín, Illia), the
product of a country where the middle classes were still largely
undifferentiated, were doomed.

The general politics of oligarchies in Latin America are to pit the
military against the civilian, and the civilian against the military.
In this sense, it is true that, even taking into account the
"ideological" side, the Proceso was still the expression of the
oligarchic-imperialist dictatorship. In fact, it was a forerunner of
G. Bush's New World Order.
Néstor Miguel Gorojovsky
gorojovsky at inea.com.ar
NUEVA DIRECCIÓN ELECTRÓNICA DESDE EL 10 DE JULIO DE 2000
NEW E-ADDRESS AS OF JULY 10, 2000
gorojovsky at arnet.com.ar





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