Kosovo war and problem of Muslim minorities: A PLO view

Borba100 at SPAMaol.com Borba100 at SPAMaol.com
Mon Oct 16 19:06:14 MDT 2000

The article "Kosovo War and PRoblem of Muslim Minoroities: from palestine
Times states:

<< Although the Kosovo Albanians became free of ethnic oppression, they
 also fell under foreign protection and have no right to control their
 land or draw their future more than what they already had under the
 Serbian control.  >>

The KLA fascists who have serve as proxy rulers of Kosovo under NATO have
targetd Muslims as well as Orthdox Christians.  Gorani (Slavic Muslims) and
Muslim Roma have been expelled, as well as Turks and a vast number
(100-100,000) anmti-fascist Muslim Albanians.

Muslim Ethnic  Albanians were NOT an oppressed minority.  They wwere and
remain a complexly divided group, with both loyalist and secessionist
extremes, and various shades in between. The most loyal Yugoslavs (and the
key targets of KLA violence) are Albanians.  These are of course the greatest
of heroes, for they stood up to the chauvinism of "their own."

The writer obviously equates being ethnic Albanian, or Muslim  with being
pro-fascist, i.e., KLA, or in any case with being racist and secessionist,
i.e., Rugova.

2) The writer assumes the validity of claims of ethnic oppression which have
been painstakingly and thoroughly discredited.  Even the ICG, which is rather
vehemently anti-Serb, wrote, for its own essentially internal audience, that
the secessionist claim that the ending of the Kosovo Provincial Parliament's
right to veto Serbian Republican Parliament decisions was "suppression of
Albanian cultural autonomy " that these charges were false.  Here is an
excerpt from YUGOSLAVIA: SEEN THROUGH A DARK GLASS by Diana Johnstone which
is based on the ICG analysis, "KOSOVO SPRING":

Full text can be read at

24) The March 24, 1998 report of the International Crisis Group entitled
"Kosovo Spring" notes that: "In many spheres of life, including politics,
education and health-care, the boycott by Kosovars of the Yugoslav state is
almost total. "In particular," Kosovars refuse to participate in Serbian or
Yugoslavian political life. The leading Yugoslav political parties all have
offices in Kosovo and claim some Kosovar members, but essentially they are
"Serb-only" institutions. In 1997 several Kosovars accused of collaborating
with the enemy (i.e. the Serbian State) were attacked, including Charnilj
Gasi, head of the Socialist Party of Serbia in Glagovac, and a deputy in the
Yugoslav Assembly's House of Citizens, who was shot and wounded in November.
The lack of interest of Serb political parties in wooing Kosovars is
understandable. Kosovars have systematically boycotted the Yugoslav and
Serbian elections since 1981, considering them events in a foreign country."
The ICG, while scarcely pro-Serb in its conclusions, nevertheless provides
information neglected by mainstream media. This is perhaps because the ICG
addresses its findings to high-level decision-makers who need to be in
possession of a certain number of facts, rather than to the general public.
Gasi was not the only target of Albanian attacks on fellow Albanians in the
Glogovse municipal district, situated in the drenica region which the "Kosovo
Liberation Army" (UCK) tried to control in early 1998. Others included
forester Mujo Sejd, 52, killed by machine-gun fire near his home on January
12, 1998; postman Mustafa Kurtaj, 26, killed on his way to work by a group
firing automatic rifles; factory guard Rusdi Ladrovci, ambushed and killed
with automatic weapons apparently after refusing to turn over his official
arm to the UCK; among others. On April 10, 1998, men wearing camouflage
uniforms and insignia of the Army of Albania fired automatic weapons at a
passenger car carrying four ethnic Albanian officials of the Socialist Party
of Serbia including Gugna Adem, President of the Suva Reka Municipal Board,
who was gravely injured; and Ibro Vait, member of the National Assembly of
the Republic of Serbia and President of the SPS district board in the city of
Prizren. Numerous such attacks have been reported by the Yugoslav news agency
Tanjug, but Western media have shown scant interest in the fate of ethnic
Albanians willing to live Serbs in multi-ethnic Serbia.

25) In March 1990, during a regular official vaccination program, rumors were
spread that Serb health workers had poisoned over 7,000 Albanian children by
injecting them with nerve gas. There was never any proof of this, no child
was ever shown to suffer from anything more serious than mass hysteria. This
was the signal for a boycott of the Serbian public health system. Ethnic
Albanian doctors and other health workers left the official institutions to
set up a parallel system, so vastly inferior that preventable childhood
diseases reached epidemic proportions. In September 1996, WHO and UNICEF
undertook to assist the main Kosovar parallel health system, named "Mother
Teresa" after the world's most famous ethnic Albanian, a native of Macedonia,
in vaccinating 300,000 children against polio. The worldwide publicity
campaign around this large-scale immunization program failed to point out
that the same service had long been available to those children fro mthe
official health service of Serbia, systematically boycotted by Albanian
parents. Currently, the parallel Kosovar system employs 239 general
practitioners and 140 specialists, compared to around 2,000 physicians
employed by the Serbian public health system there. Serbs point out that many
ethnic Albanians are sensible enough to turn to the government health system
when they are seriously ill. According to official figures, 64% of the
official Serbian system's health workers and 80% of its patients in Kosovo
are ethnic Albanians. It is characteristic of the current age of
privatization that the "international community" is ready to ignore a
functioning government service and even contribute to a politically inspired
effort to bypass and ultimately destroy it. But then, Kosovo Albanian
separatists, aware of the taste of the times, like to speak of Kosovo itself
as a "non-governmental organization." These facts are contained in the
"Kosovo Spring" report of the International Crisis Group.

26) The ICG "Kosovo Spring" report noted that the two main Kosovar human
rights groups, Keshelli and the Helsinki Committee, closely linked to
nationalist separatist leaders, "provide statistical data on 'total' human
rights violations, but their accounting system is misleading. For instance,
of the 2,263 overall cases of human rights violations in the period from July
to September 1997, they cite three murders, three 'discriminations based on
language' ... and 149 'routine checkings.' By collating minor and major
offenses under the same heading , the statistics fail to give a fair
representation of the situation. Kosovars further lose credibility by
exaggerating repression when speaking to a foreign visitor." [END OF EXCERPT]

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