Viva Argentina: contradictions/Patroitism and Internationalism

JOEFREEMEN at aol.com JOEFREEMEN at aol.com
Sun Dec 23 17:03:16 MST 2001




National Patriotism and Patriotic Internationalism

My political concepts and theoretical disposition took shape several decades
ago under the impact of currents that sought to describe the social struggle
we were a part of. Apparently - and I cannot tell anyone "why," humanity as a
collection of individuals have a need to make sense of existence and measure
their individuality in connection with their neighbors and how one
understands the world around them. Making "sense of existence" contains an
academic quality but is not an academic question. Making "sense of existence"
compels people to search for explanations and solutions to practical problems
in daily life, and these solutions make sense to the multitude when the
horizon of their vision is not violated.

I am a Yankee and former member of the highest paid sector of the industrial
proletariat on earth. My retirement wages - pension benefit, is well above
that (when combined with medical benefits) of the lowest paid active workers
in all the Southern states of North America; 90% of the wage earners in the
formerly called colonial world and well over the equivalents (in money form)
paid for labor power to the majority of the working people on earth.

The beauty of the Marxist theoretical position is that I do not have to
reduce myself to simply being a Yankee or high paid industrial worker as the
framework for existential relations or rely upon my individual conception of
morality and what is "justice." It is true that what the world people suffer
from is a lack of justice and what is "justice" is defined by our collective
consciousness of what is possible.

Then there is Argentina.

There is no plausible excuse and rationalization for why a women who works
for 20, 30, 40, and 50 years cannot receive a pension that allows her to get
the grandchildren some clothes and exist above the level of savagery. There
is no rationale explanation for why "I" cannot eat when food is available and
in all the large stores and markets. The moment my pension check is
interrupted becomes a defining event that compels me to not only lose faith
in institutional authority; the individuals that are in fact the government
but question "what in the hell is going on" and who is responsible?

 This interruption in my money produces a breach in my ideology and social
consciousness. Ideology is my faith and belief in ethics (morality), justice;
the role of the individual in the complex of eternal existence, luck, and all
the other things used to shore up how I rationalize my existence in a sea of
humanity. Social consciousness is not separated from ideology by the Chinese
wall, but speaks of my awareness as a producer in society. In Argentina "I"
an aware of the world role and "importance" of Yankee imperialism and fuck
the Yankees, when it comes to my pension and food.

Saturday, December 22, was the first day our local newspapers in Detroit ran
a front-page article on the riots in Argentina.  This article was at the
bottom of the page is medium size type (18 point and this article is in 12
point type) because sections of the working class would immediately become
open to class analysis of social conditions and march in the street - a small
section, in favor of stability of pension and a mutherfucker having something
to eat.

Now many Argentineans took to the street in protest and ended up singing the
Argentina national anthem. The enlightened section of the intelligencia,
academia and the working class should understand that national patriotism in
relationship to the guardianship role of speculative-finance North American
led capital, is not only proper and righteous, but an indictment against
capitalist private property relations and the bootlicking lackey's of North
American imperial ambitions. The internationalist content of Argentina
national patriotism consists in the striving of the working class to get its
pension check right now and food for the hungry.

There are new qualitative features in finance capital, which birthed the word
"globalism" in the social consciousness of revolutionaries and the world
lexicon.  Argentina is not to be conceived simply as a colony, semi-colony,
neo-colony or neo-liberal colony of North American imperialism, although the
penetration of finance capital from North America into "Latin America" is
distinguished - qualitatively, with the opening of the offices of the
National City Bank in Argentina in November 1914. Five years later National
City Bank had established 42 branches and USNA firms had floated some $2
billion in "Latin America" government bonds during the 1920s.   The web of
social relations that weld Argentina to the rock of speculative-finance
capital is no different from that of metropolitan Detroit or rather the state
of Michigan. Argentina is a metropolis no different from any other metropolis
- from the standpoint of Marx and Engels.

The disruption of old institutions and ideas is the battleground for ideology
and consciousness of class interest. The foundation of this instability is
the changes in the economy. Qualitatively new methods of production are
laying the basis for the separation of all of society from its foundations.
This process occurred as feudal relations of production gave way to
capitalist commodity production and it is happening right now as capitalist
relations of production is compelled to give way to superior productive
logic.

What is new is the computerization and digitalization of production. The
beginning phases of production without labor begins the leap from society
based on exploitation to society based on cooperation. A "leap" is a process
unto itself and in society a "leap" is a historical process of restructuring,
which unfolds as an era of social revolution - societal restructuring. The
beginning phases of production without labor (the new and general application
of more advanced scientific application to the totality of social
production), means capital that is increasingly divorced from the production
process, creates proletarians increasingly divorced from the production
process and pensioners living capital refuse to pay for.

Before Argentina I did not grasp that the attacks on pensions - (compensation
for dead labor, although it has always been clear that capital refuses to
feed our peoples without a determined fight) was an important face of the
proletarian revolution. Yes, I watched the Russian workers - proletarians,
denied their pensions and crushed under the jackboot of speculative-finance
capital. In my stupidity I failed the Russian proletariat again and did not
take to heart its leading role, manifesting the form of the struggle, because
for the last decade I was working real good. That no one else grasped this
element of the social struggle does not excuse my lack of insight.

I tell you that Argentina have taught me my lesson!  Here are the outlines of
the proletarian revolution in the metropolis. Now that it has unfolded in its
initial stage it is obvious.

The economy is mobile, flexible aspect of society and changes under the
impact of technology - human thinking. Change meets very little resistance
here or rather the ceaseless process of change is funneled along the rails of
class interest in applied technique. The problem is that class relations and
institutions are static in relationship to the mobile changes in social
production. It is here that social change meet resistance; it is here that
change and new ideas come up against people with vested interest; people with
ancient ideas about what is fair and "traditional." "A fair days work for a
fair day of labor" collapses when people are denied the opportunity to be
"fair."

In the framework of the existing social consciousness in the metropolis, "how
can I be fair when I am denied access to the exchange markets and when I do
get a job I cannot support my family like 'you do' and when I borrow money I
end up with less means of support for the family because your interest rates
ensure that I must work for at least 60 years to pay them off," emerges as a
question of the proletarian revolution.  This process is the dialectic of
what is taking place in front of our noses.

The Argentina national anthem is not simply expressing "small" capital's
demand for the liquidation of debt and reorganizations of loans, but gives
the conscious elements of the working class a chance for organization.

And me as a Yankee? Here the Argentina masses are quickly tiring of excuses.
Nevertheless, we speak as representatives of the proletariat in the most
imperial of all countries.

Colonization and imperial exploitation and oppression of the world masses was
the form for the importation of advanced productive relations and social
relations of production to formerly backwards areas of the world. America, or
rather North America is a country of immigrants and this process of
colonization is what give us the honor of preparing to strike the deathblow
to modern capitalist relations of production. Surely the world working class
has noted that the so-called "Latin American" masses are rapidly emerging as
a critical segment (not sector) of our proletariat.  Our efforts will be
redoubled.

Long live the Argentina Metropolis!
We pray (not a mis pronunciation) for a further proletarian assertion.
Workers of the World Unite.




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