FW: [communards] Offizielles Cubanisches Statement wegen der inhaftierten Tsch. Staatsburger
sammler at SPAMcommunards.de
Sun Jan 28 13:08:08 MST 2001
Forwarded by: Communards <sammler at communards.de>
>INFORMATION ON THE CAUSES FOR THE ARREST OF CZECH CITIZENS IVAN PILIP
>AND JAN BUBENIK, AND THE EXTENSIVE HISTORY OF CONSPIRACY AND
>INTERFERENCE ON THE PART OF THE CZECH GOVERNMENT AND ITS DIPLOMATIC
>REPRESENTATIVES IN CUBA, WHICH DEMONSTRATE THE CLOSE AND DIRECT
>CONNECTION BETWEEN THIS POLICY AND THE LATEST INCIDENT.
>The Government of the Czech Republic, as part of its ongoing campaign
>to cast doubt on the charges made by Cuba, continues to maintain that
>Cuba's accusations against two Czech citizens caught in the act of
>promoting subversion within our country are false.
>Acting out of ignorance, prejudice or ill intent, representatives of
>other countries have echoed the false claims made by the Czech
>government, and have voiced uninformed opinions whose content and
>nature are damaging to the people and the Government of the Republic
>What is the true story?
>On January 12 of this year, authorities from the Cuban Immigration
>Division in Ciego de ¡vila, Republic of Cuba, arrested Czech citizens
>Ivan Pilip and Jan Bubenik. Although they had entered the country as
>tourists, they violated that status following instructions from the
>U.S.-based counterrevolutionary organization Freedom House to hold
>conspiratorial meetings with members of small subversive groups in
>The involvement of Freedom House in the most recent Cuban program set
>up by the U.S. Government, under section 109 of the Helms-Burton Act,
>adopted in 1996 to destabilize our Revolution through the promotion
>of internal subversion, began in 1997 with the ``Transition
>Project'', which received generous financing from the U.S. Agency for
>International Development (USAID), to the tune of 500,000 dollars.
>This was followed by a further 275,000 dollars in 1999, which was
>doubled to 550,000 in the year 2000. The first program gave rise to
>the establishment of an anti-Cuban organization called ``Center for a
>Free Cuba'', headed by CIA agent and former Freedom House Cuban
>Project director Frank Calzon. The Center has already received over a
>million dollars from USAID for the same purposes.
>One of the fundamental goals of Freedom House current project is to
>identify and recruit politicians, journalists and community activists
>from central-eastern Europe experienced in the so-called
>``democratic transitions,'' which is how they describe the overthrow
>of revolutionary governments. These recruits are then sent to Cuba to
>undertake destabilizing and subversive actions.
>USAID publicly acknowledged in June of 2000 that Freedom House had
>organized a visit to Cuba by four journalists, four members of
>parliament, two economists and an academic from Eastern Europe, all
>of whom were trained in subversive tactics and paid with U.S.
>government funds. This is exactly what they have just done with Ivan
>Pilip and Jan Bubenik, as we have been able to confirm.
>Ivan Pilip was formerly Minister of Finances in his country, and
>is currently a deputy in the Czech parliament. As for Jan Bubenik, he
>is a member of the so-called ``Czech Pro-Democracy Foundation'' and
>was one of the leaders of the anti-socialist movement in
>They both arrived in Cuba on January 8, 2001 through the JosÈ
>MartÌ International Airport in Havana, on flight CBE-7538 from
>Cancun, Mexico, following a two-day stay in the United States of
>Investigations have revealed that Ivan Pilip has connections with a
>number of Freedom House officials, including Robert (Bob) Pontichera,
>Director of Programs in the organization. It was Pontichera who
>proposed covering the costs for Pilip to travel to Cuba, accompanied
>by a friend, in order to contact certain individuals and deliver to
>them the means necessary to carry out the U.S. government's program
>of subversive activities.
>It has been verified that Pilip and Bubenik arrived in New York
>earlier in January and met with Robert Pontichera for dinner on
>January 6. Pontichera informed them that the people they would be
>meeting with in Cuba were opponents of the Cuban government, and that
>they were expected to speak with them and obtain information about
>the political, economic and social situation on the island. He gave
>them a list with the names and addresses of these individuals and
>1400 dollars to cover their accommodation, food and car rental costs,
>for which they would have to show receipts.
>The Freedom House representative also gave the two Czechs a laptop
>computer with various accessories, diskettes and CDs to be handed
>over to the people they would be meeting with in our country.
>He also advised them that on their return from Cuba they should meet
>with the Freedom House representative again to report on the results
>of the visit and the information obtained, which is why the itinerary
>for their return trip was Havana-Cancun-Miami-Washington, where they
>would stay for several days.
>He also warned them that the names of the individuals they were to
>contact in Cuba should be entered into an electronic organizer under
>a secret code, so that the authorities would not have access to this
>information even if they were arrested.
>The investigations into the Czech citizens' stay in Cuba reveal that
>upon arriving in Cuba, they rented a car from a tourist car rental
>agency, with the license plate number T-005267. Then they drove
>through the provinces of Matanzas, Cienfuegos and Sancti SpÌritus,
>like regular tourists visiting the country's central region,
>continuing on January 11 to the province of Ciego de ¡vila, the place
>of their first rendezvous according to the list of individuals given
>to them in the United States, all of whom live in the central and
>eastern regions of the country.
>Once in this province, they visited two known counterrevolutionaries,
>with whom they discussed the issues indicated by Robert Pontichera
>and attempted to obtain information to pass on to Freedom House. The
>list of names and addresses was protected by electronic means.
>The work assigned to Pilip and Bubenik is nothing new to our country.
>This is simply the latest in a long list of interfering and
>destabilizing actions conducted by the Czech Republic against the
>Cuban revolutionary process.
>For more than a decade, there has been close and systematic
>monitoring in Cuba of the subversive activities of Czech diplomats in
>step with instructions from intelligence agencies and other
>institutions in the United States passed on through the U.S.
>Interests Section in Havana.
>These conspiracies began in 1989. In 1987, an extensive espionage
>network handled by officials in the above-mentioned U.S. Interests
>Section in Cuba had been dismantled. As the Interests Section
>restructured its forces, means and methods, it called on the
>diplomats of other countries for assistance, and it was precisely at
>this point that the Embassy of what was then Czechoslovakia became an
>instrument of the U.S. Interests Section and its main center of
>In addition to this, for the first time on March 3, 1990, the
>U.S. Administration assigned the Czech government the task of
>cosponsoring a loathsome draft resolution condemning Cuba at the
>Commission on Human Rights in Geneva. It was a hard-fought battle,
>but the United States managed to get the resolution passed thanks to
>the unanimous support of its NATO allies.
>>>From then on, the Government of the Czech Republic has maintained an
>openly >hostile stance towards Cuba. At that point, our country was
>not only >heroically withstanding a genocidal blockade, but also
>suffering an >extremely hard and prolonged special period, the result
>of the loss of its >traditional markets and suppliers, with no
>support from abroad whatsoever. >The general assumption back then was
>that our country would not to able to >withstand such a grueling
>test. During those years, the Czech government >stepped up its
>conspiring with the United States and its support for that >country's
>aggressive policy towards Cuba, as reflected by its
>unconditional >backing of the hostile stance of successive U.S.
>administrations. The Czech >Republic earned itself the questionable
>honor of being the first former >socialist country to adopt this
>traitorous line in its foreign policy.
>Between March and December of that year 1990, the Czech official took
>part in a series of provocation in Cuba. These included
>sponsoring counterrevolutionary groups inside Cuba and providing
>material assistance, technical and financial support and political
>backing to them, as well as active proselytizing in intellectual and
>There was also the incident plotted in connivance with U.S.
>diplomats, when Czech officials helped a counterrevolutionary group
>to illegally enter the Czech embassy; this illegal entry was in fact
>planned and fostered from within the Czech embassy itself, and led to
>similar illegal acts in other diplomatic missions.
>Also in late December of 1990, and obviously in coordination with the
>United States, the Government of what was still Czechoslovakia
>decided to suspend its representation of Cuba's interests in
>Washington which it had had for 29 years, beginning January 3, 1961,
>when the United States severed relations with Cuba as a prelude to
>the mercenary invasion of the Bay of Pigs, which took place three
>months later, on April 17 of that year.
>It should be recalled that one of the first measures adopted by
>the post-socialist Government in Prague was the arbitrary and brutal
>decision to unilaterally rescind the agreements signed by Cuba and
>the former Socialist Republic of Czechoslovakia, a move which put
>that country in league with the U.S. blockade against the island.
>This was accompanied by the closure of the Czech Cultural Center in
>Havana and the organization of an anti-Cuba seminar in the very
>capital of Czechoslovakia attended by numerous so-called
>``Czech dissidents'', including Pavel Bratinska and President Havel
>himself, who warmly welcomed such counterrevolutionaries as M·s
>Canosa, the head of a mob-style terrorist organization created by the
>United States, and Carlos Alberto Montaner, among others of the same
>Subsequently, throughout the year of 1991, the Czech officials were
>observed to take a very active part in support of internal
>counterrevolution. New acts of provocation were organized from
>within the embassy, and in 1992 a team of Czech officials began to
>arrive in Cuba to undertake this kind of subversion in a more
>organized and systematic manner.
>This is how subversive activities unfolded over the years 1989, 1990
>and 1991. The information obtained throughout those years on the
>aforementioned officials shows the intensive efforts made from within
>that diplomatic mission against Cuba in the service of the U.S.
>Government. There is also more than sufficient proof of how the
>services offered by the Czech embassy in Cuba have been used by the
>anti-Cuban mob in Miami, particularly the Cuban-American National
>Foundation --organizer of numerous plots to assassinate the Head of
>the Cuban State and Government-- and the previously mentioned Freedom
>The illegal and clearly subversive and counterrevolutionary
>actions conducted by a group of Czech diplomats based in our country
>over recent years have been fully verified.
>The most visible of these officials was Petr Mikyska, who arrived in
>our country on August 7, 1992 and remained here for four years and
>two months. He first came to Cuba as a third secretary in charge of
>consular affairs in the then Embassy of Czechoslovakia; it was his
>first diplomatic posting.
>In January of 1993, with the division of the former Czechoslovakia,
>he was appointed acting ChargÈ d'Affairs at the embassy of the Czech
>Republic in Cuba.
>Within a few months of arriving in our country, he began to
>have progressively increased contact with various
>counterrevolutionary leaders, and became one of the most active
>diplomats involved with these elements, to whom he systematically
>provided political and material support for their activities.
>During his stay in Cuba, he was also seen to have close ties with
>U.S. Interests Section officials, precisely for the purpose of giving
>support to the counterrevolutionaries. He had particularly close
>relations with Christopher Sibilla, the second secretary of the U.S.
>Interests Section at the time who was also deeply involved in the
>activities of these counterrevolutionary groups, and later with Robin
>Dianne Meyer, that is, Sibilla's successor.
>The latter was widely known for her open instigation of
>counterrevolutionary groups to commit subversive actions. She kept up
>this illegal activity until 1996 when due to her unacceptable
>behavior she was denied an extension of her visa.
>The work of these American diplomats and their close ties with
>Mikyska were part of the strategy aimed at economically subsidizing
>the counterrevolutionary activities of their allies within the
>One of Mikyska's assignments in Cuba was to meet with members of the
>tiny counterrevolutionary groups on an almost daily basis, in the
>embassy or at his home. He offered them all kinds of assistance,
>participated in numerous meetings and other activities organized by
>these individuals, and even promoted the realization of such meetings
>at the embassy itself, thereby inciting actions against the domestic
>On October 16, 1993, Petr Mikyska took active part at a
>conspiratorial meeting in San Antonio de los BaÒos, in the province
>of Havana, aimed at the inception of a new counterrevolutionary
>>>From that stage on, the Czech diplomatic mission became a focal
>point from >which slanderous accusations against Cuba were
>transmitted through the >embassy's communications systems to
>subversive radio stations in the U.S. >territory, or forwarded to
>engross the dossier of anti-Cuban lies created >by the United States
>at the Commission on Human Rights in Geneva.
>It has also been duly confirmed that said Czech diplomat made over 20
>trips to Miami to meet with leaders of counterrevolutionary
>organizations based there.
>He had been recruited during a trip to Miami on April 15, 1993 by
>the chairman of the Board of Directors of the Cuban-American
>National Foundation, JosÈ Francisco Hern·ndez Calvo, himself a
>notorious terrorist, a founding member of the CANF, and member of its
>paramilitary group closely linked to various plots to assassinate
>President Fidel Castro. Among those plots there was one to be
>executed by the four known terrorists held in Panama since mid-
>November of 2000, whose extradition Cuba continues to actively
>It should be recalled that JosÈ Francisco Hern·ndez was also involved
>in the plot to assassinate President Fidel Castro that was to be
>carried out by a counterrevolutionary commando based in the United
>States and detained en route to Margarita Island, Venezuela, where
>the 7th Ibero-American Summit was set to take place in 1997. One of
>the weapons seized from the commando was a 50-caliber semi-automatic
>assault rifle with a telescopic infrared sight, registered in the
>name of this notorious terrorist and leader of the Cuban-American
>National Foundation. Nevertheless, Hern·ndez was not even included in
>the trial of the would-be assassins, who were eventually acquitted by
>a venal and corrupt judge and jury in a parody of justice.
>>>From that year on, acting on instructions from the Cuban-American
>National >Foundation, Mikyska served on numerous occasions as a
>provider and liaison >officer between leaders of this group in Miami
>and subversive elements in >the country, thus becoming a hired
>mercenary for the anti-Cuban terrorist >mob based in the United
>Exploiting his diplomatic immunity, Mikyska repeatedly and illegally
>brought into Cuba printed propaganda produced abroad by these
>counterrevolutionary organizations. Likewise, he supplied groups
>inside the country with other means, such as tape recorders,
>communications equipment and large amounts of cash.
>He also gathered sensitive information on our country and passed it
>on to leaders of the CANF, which was in fact a deliberate act of
>espionage and a blatant violation of his diplomatic status. In
>carrying out these subversive actions against Cuba, he also used the
>embassy's communications systems to contact counterrevolutionary
>leaders in Miami.
>On February 12, 1994, Mikyska met in Mi Cayito, a section of Santa
>MarÌa del Mar Beach east of Havana, with counterrevolutionaries from
>within Cuba linked with the Cuban-American National Foundation to
>whom he handed over thousands of copies of subversive propaganda and
>stickers with the logo of this organization and the so-called
>Democracy and Freedom Movement. These had been delivered directly to
>Mikyska by terrorist Luis ZÒiga Rey, another Foundation leader who
>lives and operates in the United States. This was obviously an
>illegal supply; an action fit for an agent, not a diplomat.
>In June of 1994, on his return from vacations, Mikyska said that
>the Cuban-American National Foundation had covered the costs of his
>stay in Miami and medical treatment there for his pregnant wife.
>To avoid further elaboration on Mr. Mikyska's sinister record,
>suffice it to say that in 1996 he attended the Annual Convention of
>the Cuban-American National Foundation, as a special guest. His
>insolence was truly boundless; but, actually, his activities were
>tolerated while his movements were carefully observed and thoroughly
>The Czech diplomats who have succeeded Mr. Mikyska have maintained
>the same stance and links with subversive groups in Cuba, with the
>Cuban-American mob in Miami, and with the U.S. Interests Section in
>Havana, acting as liaison between CANF, Freedom House and the
>subversive groups in our country. There is solid proof that they have
>all supplied these groups with cash, computers, subversive propaganda
>produced in the United States, and instructions.
>They have used the Czech diplomatic mission in Havana as a cover for
>their illegal acts, and their diplomatic status as a cloak of
>immunity to attack the Cuban Revolution.
>The most notorious of these diplomats have been Robert Kopecki, the
>second secretary and press and cultural attachÈ; Petr Pribik, acting
>ChargÈ d'Affairs; and Jan Vytopil, second secretary and press and
>cultural attachÈ. The current first secretary of the Czech Embassy,
>Petr Kavan, has maintained and continues to maintain contacts with
>members of the small counterrevolutionary groups based in our
>In addition to these activities against Cuba displayed by Czech
>diplomats in Havana, there are the Czech government's disgraceful
>actions on the international arena, where it acts as an accomplice
>and a servile participant in the most loathsome anti-Cuban maneuvers.
>The defeat of the anti-Cuban draft resolution submitted by the United
>States at the UN Commission on Human Rights in 1998 led the United
>States to seek out an ally in its efforts to destroy the Cuban
>Revolution. It needed a country that would subserviently lend itself
>to posing publicly as the main promoter of such new abominations.
>That role was offered to and accepted by the Government of the Czech
>Thus, during the sessions of the Commission on Human Rights in 1999,
>it was the Czech Republic that submitted a new anti-Cuban draft
>resolution, although it became obvious during the Commission's
>debates that it was, in fact, the Government of the United States,
>and primarily U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright --at the
>time an ``honorary citizen'' of the Czech Republic-- that was
>responsible for all the arrangements, blackmail and arm-twisting that
>got the resolution adopted.
>Last year history repeated itself again when the Czech Republic
>played its role as the main instrument of the United States. Thus,
>despite the fact that the U.S. ambassador met with other diplomats to
>put pressure on them, and U.S. Government leaders woke up colleagues
>in other countries in the wee hours of the morning to blackmail and
>coerce them, it was the Czech Republic that appeared as the initiator
>and promoter of the anti-Cuban resolution.
>Actually, as of the end of the year 2000 and early 2001, Czech
>diplomats have been courting allies around the world. We have
>learned, and their own press has reported, that for fear of failing
>this time around, they are attempting to recruit followers for their
>Yankee masters, in order to repeat, once again, their dirty
>maneuvering in Geneva.
>It was precisely from the moment that Mr. Vaclav Havel took power in
>the Czech Republic that that country was transformed into a docile
>instrument of U.S. imperialism in its vendetta against Cuba.
>As for the arrest of the two Czech citizens sent to Cuba by Freedom
>House, Mr. Havel has made the mistake of speaking against our
>country, with the aim of insulting and slandering the people whose
>courage, heroism and commitment to the truth are beyond his
>understanding. The day will come when the world learns the truth
>about these ``democrats and defenders of human rights,'' if they are
>ever remembered at all.
>The Czech government forgets that Cuba is a sovereign country that
>does not allow its laws to be violated with impunity. Cuba has every
>right and full jurisdiction to prosecute and punish those who commit
>crimes within the territory of the Republic, as it is the case with
>Mr. Pilip and Mr. Bubenik.
>The argument has been put forward that Mr. Pilip is a deputy in the
>Czech Parliament, but Mr. Pilip traveled to Cuba as a tourist, and
>not as a parliamentarian. Therefore, according to international law,
>as reflected in the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations and on
>the Convention on Special Missions, he is not entitled to diplomatic
>immunity, because he qualifies as neither a diplomat nor a member of
>a special mission. Moreover, to qualify for the latter status, also
>in accordance with international law, he would have to have had the
>consent of the Cuban State, which is not the case.
>We have irrefutable proof of the claims made in this report on the
>behavior of the aforementioned Czech diplomats and the two Czech
>citizens, Ivan Pilip and Jan Bubenik, currently under arrest. Cuba
>only makes statements and concrete denunciations when it is ready to
>prove them to the international public or in a court of law.
>It should be very clear that no self-respecting country could
>tolerate actions that impinge upon its sovereignty, that violate its
>laws, and that threaten its security, integrity and independence.
>The Cuban people, which have confronted the U.S. Administrations for
>over four decades, have earned the respect and admiration of many
>peoples around the world for their fighting spirit, their
>steadfastness, their principles and their dignity. Therefore, they
>will not tolerate interference or pressures of any kind, no matter
>where they come from.
>Let no one be misled into believing that Cuba can be intimidated!
>All those who may attempt to discredit Cuba or join in the
>aggression against it would do well to realize first that we are
>determined to defend ourselves, and that we will continue do so, as
>we have throughout 42 years, with unparalleled courage in the face of
>the major and most aggressive imperialist power in the history of
>The lofty morale and the political strength attained by our people
>would not permit it to act out of a desire for revenge against any
>other people or citizens of the world. Above all else, we cherish the
>truth and defend our honor. Let the events that took place be
>honestly acknowledged, and our people be offered a deserved apology.
>This would accomplish more than all of the lies and slander; more
>than all of the pressures; more than NATO and all of its bombers and
>missiles; more than the power of all the wealthy countries and their
>money put together.
>If an honorable solution is truly sought for the incident created, it
>can be found in the admission that we are in the right and in
>appealing to our generosity. But, let nobody make the mistake of
>questioning our truth or putting our determination to the test.
>Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cuba
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