Cuba, USSR and Africa
jerome at SPAMtc7.chem.uni-potsdam.de
Thu Mar 29 10:02:58 MST 2001
> BTW, I did NOT say the German army was full of closet leftists. I made a
> point about class. That is, about the working class. Working class is a
> different category from leftists, right? My point is: it is (fortunately)
> difficult to motivate an army full of WORKING CLASS PEOPLE to be fascist
> whereas it is much easier to mobilize working people to fight fascism, their
> natural enemy. Organization is very important, but it is the classic error
> of the communist movement to think it - and not people's understanding - is
It seems to me you 're rather idealizing reality. History showed and is showing
that capitalists (and before that the ruling class of that time) manage to
mobilize or mislead exploited classes to serve their [the capitalist's] own
purposes. The ruling class have a long experience in dividing the subjugated
classes in order to achieve its own goals. As you correctly say working class
people is not uniform, just because of this division in multiple layers and
using its power and propaganda means the ruling class imposes its lead and
opinion in action.
It is true that workers have a kind of class instinct [ you may call it people's
understanding ] however common action against the ruling clas cannot be achieved
without a complicated and protracted task to unite the working class.
Capitalism (of which one specific form fascism is) is the enemy of Socialism
and History teaches that opposition and destruction of capitalism only through
organisation of the masses. Without organisation, no unity in action and without
it no success in overthrowing the ruling class.
In order for socialists [and in that case for anti-fascists] to mobilise the
masses, they have to explain and teach, awake and foster class consciousness
among the working class. That is a long and important task. For the ruling class
it is much easier, they simply have to use grieves, to awake
deep-rooted primary feelings and "turn" them to fit their own purposes.
Teaching is a long and complicated process in contrast keeping masses
disinformed and unwitting is much easier.
To put it in Lenin's words: "The Proletariat has only a weapon in its hands
against Capitalism and that is organization" (quoted from memory)
> The difficulty of mobilizing working people for fascist goals was
> demonstrated during the war in Vietnam, when the US army, which was
> overwhelmingly working class, became increasingly uncooperative and then
> rebellious and ultimately useless. Of course there was much antiwar agitation
> in society and in the army. And of course this was much much less true in
> the German army - nevertheless, my point holds.
I don't want to underestimate the role of opposition to Vietnam war in the U.S.
but I don't think it is responsible for communist victory in Vietnam.
(feel free to correct me if I am wrong)
What about atrocities in Korea, Guatamela, the gulf war, war against
Yougoslavia? (unfortunatly only a few examples out of many)
Was there any significant opposition from the working class (even though it
is not in the interest of the working class of the West countries to crush
An even stronger example : the cold war, was it in the interest of the working
class of capitalist countries to oppose to the Soviet Union? Obviously no, but
were there significant opposition to the ruling class in western countries?
> The difficulty of mobilizing working people for fascism is now being
> Yugoslavia, from which country I just returned. I spoke to a rally there of
> 50,000 people and when I mentioned the name of Zoran Djindjic, who is more
> less a fascist, there was a roar of hatred.
You refer to the victims. Even if Djindjic is a yougoslav citizen, he
is simply [and regarded as ] a stooge of the west. Obviously it is easier to
mobilise victims against their foreign hangmen.
Of course the working class of capitalist countries is also a victim of such a
policy but it is not so clear because of the lack of understanding, that is
because of the lack of work by concious workers and intellectuals devoted to
this class. It is put in a very sharp way in "the song of the SA-Man" by B.
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