Reply/scattergee-2

JOEFREEMEN at aol.com JOEFREEMEN at aol.com
Tue Feb 19 07:05:04 MST 2002





Part 2


>Please note
>that it is not simply a temporary restoration (like the monarchial
>restorations in Europe) - it is a wholesale regression back to an earlier
>decadent mode of production. If capitalism can arise out of socialism (for
>which hundreds of millions fought and many millions gave their lives) - a
>profoundly demoralizing and pessimistic concept, then what hope can
>socialism offer to the world working class?

The process in the former Soviet Union continues to unfold. The idea that
Russia or the other republics can enter this phase of production (all
production is social) compete in the world market - against a world glut of
cheap labor on the one hand and increasingly computerized electronic
processes on the other, and extensively develop their industrial
infrastructures has their leaders burning the midnight oil. Russia is reduced
to selling arms and nuclear reactors for hard currency to enter the world of
exchange dominated by the US dollar. The emergence of fuel cell generated
energy is the first quantitative stage of constructing an energy
infrastructure for electronic-digitalized production processes. (Ballard
Power, Plug Power, Fuel Cell, Energy Conversion Devices, all listed on the
exchange)

Beneath all the verbiage (quantitative this and qualitative that; transition
this - now you see it, now you don't that) is a singular acknowledgment of
change and the duty of every generation of communist to maintain the language
that express the theoretical axioms of a historical movement.  We are at the
mouth - beginning, of a profound technological process. The features of this
process of transition are becoming increasingly clear. I have made a
commitment to study economic theory for the next three to five years in a
disciplined manner. Nevertheless the method of Marx that is congealed in
"Capital" is a self-contained logic or approach to social phenomena.

>Second, what is the likely trajectory of world capitalism in the light of
>the revolutionary significance of the TPRF? In the western countries, a
>new stage of development of the PF can be glimpsed on the horizon, and
>which you have pointed out extensively in your previous posts. This new
>stage is the stage of automation of the PF and will have profound
>consequences - decrease of value of commodities, and a consequent decrease
>of total surplus value, which will lead to a crisis of profitability. Is
>this the direct/classical road to socialism as Marx and Engels had
>forecasted for the industrialized countries as opposed to the
>indirect/two-stage road in the developing countries?

Certain axioms are considered as "given" and this does not mean one should
neglect a concrete study of the specific properties of that, which is being
considered. Nevertheless, without a conception of applied dialectics,
antagonism and polarity, specificity of boundaries and quantitative and
qualitative dimensions applied to the here and now; one cannot independently
find their own bearing in the social struggle as communist.

If capital is increasingly divorced from the process of the production of
material values - materially concrete commodities and services that
facilitate the distribution of "something," then the various mode of
expression of value are torn from itself or polarized as a seemingly
independent external entity. (This also implies the verbiage - modes of
expression, will be polarized and replaced by less absurd new verbiage).

Cost and the cost price mode of expression of value are forms of exchange
(human intercourse) inherited by capitalist commodity production and have
taken on an independent existence, which is the proof of a rupture - movement
of antagonism. Profit is realized through investing in its modes of
expression as opposed to the production of material value. What was not
obvious was why this movement is the expression of society being torn from
its foundation in the buying and selling of labor-power. Marx grasped the
totality of the process or shape of capitalist commodity production as a
specific form of commodity production. What could not be witnessed until the
"last stage" in the development of a process is the specific property - the
qualitatively distinct property, that drives the polarization of the mode of
expression. That specific property is an electronic digitalized technology.

I have on my desk John Dessauer's "Investor's World "Special Edition for
February 2002" and cannot quote him extensively because of legal
infringements. Also on the desk is "Change Wave," Sagmai's "Scientific
Investing," Michael Murphy news service along with some of Martin D. Weiss
apocalyptic literature and endless e-mails from Louis Navelier. Dessauer's
"latest" talks about the money supply and the growth of M2, a broad measure
of the USNA money supply. He states that there has been a 91% correlation of
the growth of the money supply to future economic activity and that this
relationship held up through the Russian and Asian meltdowns. He states that
in the last 12 months, M2 has surged 11% and this suggests a coming partial
recovery and predicts an 11,000 DOW "soon" and by June 2003 12,500. Even with
my current fuzziness in economic matters the stock market indicators can jump
while sectors of the economy "crash" because a fundamental rupture in values
cost and cost-price mode of expression and consequently the historical
profit-value ratio exist as a permanent feature of this phase in the decline
of capitalist commodity production. Crash with quotes means increased
polarization, as opposed to "stop,"  "fall to the ground" and "shatter."  The
absolute increase in poverty among a broader section of the working class
occurred during the boom cycle of the 1990s. Why?

If Dessauer is correct, then there is a good chance that the increase in M2
is in direct proportion to the decease in the ability of every larger
sections (expanding sector) of the working class to maintain sustenance above
the "margin." The "margin" is the line of demarcation establishing the amount
of socially necessary labor needed for the world working class to reproduce
itself as a class within the context of this stage of productivity and
commodity distribution. The current minimum wage is recognized as below "the
margin." As a material category "the margin" embraces water supply,
food-stuff, housing, electricity and fuel cost; transportation, access to
medical facilities, schooling and the institutions that maintain and
perpetuate the cultural level of our current technical development.

The doctrine of Marx is not a substitute for specificity. Yet, a system of
production based on the profitable purchase and utilization of living labor
in the production process; buying and selling of commodities cannot forever
exist with its modes of expression assuming independent existence.

The concept of distance or polarization - of separation of the modes of value
expression, and velocity - an increase in the separation of modes of
expression at a greater rate than in a previously existing period of time,
which increased in the late 90s. This movement arises on the basis of a new
qualitative feature in the productive process and is the polarization
expressing movement in antagonism. Antagonism as movement and polarization
are the keys to unlock the social process at every stage of development.

"The likely trajectory of world capitalism in the light of the revolutionary
significance of the TPRF" in the general historical sense of mode of
production is the destruction of value as a social force mediating the
affairs of humanity. This process is unfolding on the basis of the absolute
separation of all modes of expression of value from the human laboring
process that once riveted value to the production of commodities. If there
were a way to look at the process from the 23rd century and chart this
polarization, values mode of expressions within the commodity framework would
represent a continuous line of upward movement away from the human labor that
excites the mode of expression into "life." Since life is relatively short we
experience this absolute polarization incrementally, or in stages or
relatively.

Specifically the transistor is an interesting indicator. John Dessauer's
aforementioned letter talks about John Bardeen in a section called "A Revival
Is Coming in Tech Stocks." Bardeen won the Nobel Prize in Physics for
inventing the transistor, shared with Walter Brattain and William Shockley.
Roughly 30 years ago a single transistor and support circuitry cost about $7
and today's price is seven-millionths of one cent ($0.000007). However this
movement is explained is fine, but the bottom line is the collapse in cost of
the transistor helped fuel massive growth in the technology base of the
infrastructure, which in turn reconfigures the technical basis of the
infrastructure.

In all earnest no one is going to argue about the separation of values modes
of expression from itself and the new qualitative development in the
"economy" twenty years from now and the subsequent polarization of wealth and
poverty and its impact on the proletariat.

History has shown what happens when an opportune moment is lost. Following
the civil war, factors allowing for the creation of a truly democratic
America existed. This required that the revolutionaries of that time take the
program of the freemen to all of society in a passionate way, thereby
creating an ideology of material interest of classes. This did not happen and
for more than one hundred and thirty five years class has remained an
ideological category in America. The leaders of the movement abandoned the
lowest sector of the working class and agricultural laborers, settled for
reform and reaction took over. There was very little political change for the
working class until new changes in the productive forces took place - the
mechanization of agriculture, seventy years later and the need to reform the
social contract based on new quantitative reconfiguration of capital.

This quantitative reconfiguration in the productive forces - mechanization of
agriculture, was the basis for the organization of the workers on an
industrial basis, the completion of the shift of the population from
agriculture to industry, the Civil Rights Movement that excited the student
movement and a reawakened interest in the doctrine of Marx.  There are no
reforms left in capital.

Once a new qualitative reconfiguration is injected into a process or emerges
within a process or a quantitative reconfiguration of the productive forces
take place, the battle shifts from the objective to the subjective. The
political sphere is where the fight for the material survival of classes is
fought out.

An immense danger comes from the ruling class but our confidence is based in
the general doctrine of the class struggle as opposed to ideology and
verbiage. If the ruling class were an unchanging monolith, our hands would be
full indeed. The ruling class must inevitably spilt on the basis of sectors
rendered superfluous to the means of production and this will find profound
expression in a parliamentary democracy.  Sectors of the ruling class as
capital are on the side of the obvious advance - qualitative change, in the
means of production. Sections and sectors of capital itself will be defeated
in the market; shift into an antagonistic relationship with the advance of
technology and get pushed into the proletariat and even the
lumpen-proletariat.

This means a totally different view of the role of petroleum and fossil fuel
in the next two/three decades, based on the conception of the completion of
the quantitative boundaries in a system of production. Just as steam and
horsepower could not sustain an industrial infrastructure, a new mode of
production presupposes the emergence of a qualitative distinct energy
framework. The ruling class must inevitably spilt on the basis of sectors
rendered superfluous to the means of production. Modern terrorism of the
likes of Mr. Bin Laden is qualitatively different than the terrorism of the
late 1960s and 70s that was driven by the passionate indignation of the
so-called "middle stratum," in the context of the quantitative
reconfiguration of the productive forces. Modern terrorism is not based in
the middle strata or passionate indignation of the intellectual - in the face
of the passivity of the workers, but concrete capital formations at this
phase of decay.

The tendency of the bourgeoisie to spontaneously drift to open fascistic rule
as a solution to society being torn from its foundation - which of course is
not entirely new to the most destitute sector of the proletariat, can and
must be defeated in the streets and political arena.

Splits within capital - world wide, are going to occur on the basis of the
development of industry or the transition economy and probably assume old
modes of expression based on states and multi-national states. Europe as such
has independent trade relations with grouping in - say, the so-called Middle
East and interest distinct from that of the current Bush administration.
Japan has distinct energy interest as it relates to its infrastructure, that
may intersect but do not necessarily coincide with USNA imperial strategic
energy interest - which is not petroleum or fossil fuel. This does not mean
the world changes tomorrow, but the construction of military basis in
Afghanistan and alliances with the former Republics of the Soviet Union is a
strategic military move to contain China, when considered from the standpoint
of transition in the mode of production.

>From this very general standpoint, we are witnessing a new doctrine of war
being implemented by "our" imperialist. The current outline appears to be a
doctrine of  "war on all fronts" (including against itself) of the previously
existing state boundaries governed by a unified but flexible central command.
That is to say, preparations for the creation of a framework to wage total
war against the social forces generated on the basis of the new configuration
in the mode of production: in the final instance the world wide proletarian
social revolution as it ebbs and flow on the basis of the old modes of
capital and increased polarization between wealth and poverty. This is the
price the world workers will pay for the overthrow of Soviet Power.

The above formulations are questions of doctrine as opposed to "new theory."
Without question a new doctrine - not science, of social revolution is in
emergence. We are still in a democratic republic - despite the increasing
militarization and police tactics once confined to the most destitute sector
of the working class. The political representatives of capital in the US can
not govern based simply on the military sector of the economy or the police
apparatus, despite the tendency to adopt legislative acts to do so, but must
win the voting sections of the working class to its cause as a political
basis for the ruler-ship of the individual personality. Both bourgeois
parties are presenting a united front against the lowest sector of the
working class, but have a narrow base of support among the totality of the
peoples of America. Herein lies their vulnerability. This is not stated in
jest. Before retirement I took part in union elections where a low voter turn
out was 85% of the district. The majority of the peoples of America are
outside the electoral system.

Bush Jr. current "popularity" is based on the absolute exclusion of the voice
of the lowest section of the working class. "How has the Bush administration
improved your ability to make ends meet or secure medical coverage?"  "Has
the bush administration tax cuts improved your ability to pay the rent,
purchase transportation, pay your water bill, secure clothes for your
children, get medical coverage, secure more food for your family or send you
child to a good school?"

There is a distinct tendency to belittle the material ideology and feeling of
the lowest sector of the working class and broad sections of the class as a
whole, who cannot understand the changes in society on the basis of concepts
of political democracy. Millions of poverty stricken people in America still
believe their plight is the result of bad decisions and bad luck.  Democracy
is the right to food and housing; to not suffer the terrible blows of poverty
and the arbitrariness of authority. Here the material bribery of a sector of
the working class - based on relative stability, expresses itself as a body
of politics that makes sections of the class opposes itself as a class.

The poor must be taught why they are poor on the basis of property relations
they already understand.  America must be won over to the idea that everyone
in the country have rights that the capitalist system is denying them and
that no problem can be resolved until poverty is resolved no matter what the
demands of the spoke-persons for private property rights.

What is needed in our country is a Labor Party. We have entered a new phase
of history.

The emergence of a class party - not an ideological formation that fights for
"socialism," is needed that can articulate the fight for fundamental needs
and rights of our peoples, based on the most destitute sector of the
proletariat and point out the material interest of classes in every issue
discussed in Congress and the public sphere. Under current conditions fascism
in America cannot triumph on the basis of the military and a sectarian
political party as in German. Within our current conditions a transition to
fascist state rule, which at this point cannot assume the military mode as in
the Germany of an old era, must take place on the basis of winning a sector
of the working class over to the "inalienable rights" of property and this
means winning the major section of organized labor, not simply its leaders.

The need for the building of a Labor Party that can win the working class
over to the demands and needs of its most destitute sector is the key to the
social transformation of America and the world - given the social position of
America in the world. We have entered a new phase of history and a Labor
Party - a class party, is the key to shattering all the lingering ideological
modes of the identity movements.

Our industrial working class today has no ties to the farm and is being
rendered - in increments, superfluous - driven below the margin, to the
production of the industrial product. The countryside once meant a retirement
home after thirty year of contribution - and more, and not the life of the
peasant. This dream is being destroyed for millions as this is written. Our
class has no ties to Europe as such - although we reject no part of our
heritage, and is no longer dominated by the ideology of the working class
movement as it developed in Europe. Our working class consists of people from
every country on earth.

This is the working class Marx wrote about in his gigantic vision of
totality. The ideology of an era gone by must be sublated and discarded. The
microchip destroyed the slide rule in every accounting department in the
industrial infrastructure and much of the doctrine of Lenin at the same time.
This is another phase of development different as the era of Lenin was from
the era of Marx and Engels.

The trajectory - nodal line of development, remains value as it is
transformed on the basis of the productive forces.

In the past period of history the success many of us experienced in
organizing the industrial workers in Detroit was based in our thrust and work
amongst the unorganized and marginal workers - especially the unemployed as
opposed to the "lumpen," who as a group contributed more human energy,
passion and - yes, money, than the organized industrial workers. Thus, in
Detroit our old organizations became the national standard and framework for
the last period and as a group we tended to be more successful than all the
other progressive and radical groups combined.

Interestingly, the "people" used the verbiage as a barrier to the thick
ideological and propaganda campaign of the bourgeoisie. The intense
ideological campaign within the marginal and through them the organized
sector of labor produced a successful Vote Communist Campaign in the mid and
late 1970s. Here we secured the thousands of signature to get on the ballot
as communist and overturned the Michigan state law that prevented and
hampered of third parties. The name of the Vote Communist Campaign was the
"Vote Communist Campaign."

America today is ripe for a Labor Party - without the verbiage, but can only
take shape through developing the infrastructure framework in an area using
ideology - verbiage. The marginal already "understand" the issues at stake.

The trajectory lies along the path of those rendered increasingly superfluous
to the production of commodities.

Joe F.

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