Argentina, Moreno, etc
causebellum at yahoo.com
Mon Jul 1 14:18:46 MDT 2002
Moreno: your instincts are correct. He tried. One of
the links posted by Louis contains some selective list
of some of his writings in Spanish. I understand by a
friend of mine that you speak Spanish, so that won't
be a problem. There are a number of works missing
which are important in those collections.
He built the largest Trotskyist party and his
international tendency dominated the Trotskyist
movement in Latin America for over a decade. He was
credited with the original idea for launching the
Workers Party in Brazil and, in fact, his tendency in
Lula's organization was the largest single tendency
for many years, until they left the WP some ten years
ago and now they constitute the largest party to the
left of the WP.
In spite its explosion, put them together, the parties
and organizations coming out of the Morenoist
tradition are the overwhelming majority of the left in
One should ask himself why the resilience and
permanence of this existence. The answer is that in
spite all their flaws and political and organizational
shortcomings, Morenoism was characterized by dedicated
revolutionaries. If they were kicked out, purged,
split or defeated they would not just whine in the
sidelines, they will move on to form another group,
fight another battle.
These people don't go away, did not become cynics,
they did not retire. Compare that resillience under
conditions much more difficult with the quiting
attitude of many in this list.
Partido Obrero: originally emerged out of Silvio
Frondizi's group, then went into the Lambertist
current, ended up in the current of the Bolivian POR
and later split from them.
While I respect Moreno's work, I do not call myself a
Political situation in Argentina: there is a tendency
to exxagerate the political situation by most left
organizations. There is no revolutionary situation
now, and it was only a revolutionary crisis in late
December. The organized working class - a decisive
question - partly because they are afraid of losing
their meager jobs and partly because the domination of
the labor bureaucracy, are not fully involved in the
struggle. Responsibility lies also on the shoulders
of the left that could not develop a clear
Ideological confusion: the left, coming out of a
decade and a half of collapse, fragmentation and
political confusion, is still developing into
something different. There are organizational and
ideological wars going on. This prevented the
emergence of a more effective revolutionary left.
Since they see themselves still waging the factional
struggles of the last decades, they are not
articulating a project to create a united
The internal relations between left groups is still
dominated by organizationally outmaneuvering each
other and accusing each other of ideologically
capitulating. Because nobody wants to be seen as
"more reformist than the other", sometimes they come
out with bizarre programs and analysis that set them
apart from the mass movement, even though
differentiates them from other left groups, allright.
The left groups individually could mobilize some
people, but still not to the level of having a mass
character. For example, all the left put together
today are not getting the 40,000 people the MAS used
to gather on May Day 15 years ago.
Sometimes, this sense of proportion is lost.
For example, none of them, in December raised the
slogan of "All Must Go", for immediate GENERAL
elections now! They all consider this "reformist"
when the bourgeoisie was incapable of doing it without
their parties falling apart and the regime collapsing.
Another question is the agrarian revolution. Since
there is no peasantry in the country, there is no need
for an agrarian reform and the left totally ignores
the issue of the countryside. But while the agrarian
reform is not something to advocate, maybe, the
agrarian revolution remains a democratic task that the
left is ignoring.
Of course, there are many other programatic questions
like self-defense which cannot be a propaganda matter
anymore, and cannot be organzied by one tendency but
should be the result of the actions of layers of the
mass movement, etc. I'm just putting these as
There are little differences between the 20 or so
organizations coming out of the Morenoist tradition.
And if you include there the immense popularity of
Zamora - who also came from that tradition - you have
the potential of rebuilding a powerful left wing party
to lead the struggles in Argentina. Some steps are
being taken in that direction, but would they do it
before is too late? That is a critical question. But
is the one delaying the advances of the mass movement.
PO or the ARI for that matter will never fill that
role for a multitude of reasons to long to go about in
this post. PO is an errand outfit with no clear
perspectives and confused ideology. The ARI is just a
holding tank for some middle class elements who
deserted a number of other organizations before
(FREPASO, Radical Party, Frente Grande).
Popular Assemblies: or neighborhood assemblies. Very
powerful instruments of debate and organizing of
actions from December until recently. But they are
not and were not soviets or anything like that. Most
left organizations have substantial work in them.
Primarily the MST. The PO is very weak there. The CP
also have substantial work. The assemblies are now
weakened simply because you cannot sustain them
constantly. But they will re-emerge as the situation
unfolds again. The composition of these assemblies
varies from place to place. Some of them are petite
bourgeois or even upper middle class. Others are more
working class and still other are mixed with
participation of middle class, workers, students,
Piqueteros: while the structurally unemployed were a
significant sector of them, now there are significant
layers of workers recently unemployed and employed
workers who participate because their unions are not
doing a damn thing. In that sense, there is an strong
presence of the working class among the piqueteros who
brought with them their organizing skills and their
discipline and some of its methods.
CTA/FTV: It is an split going on now. The CTA/FTV in
alliance with the CCC (Maoists) was the stronger
single front. But they are now in a crisis. D'Elia,
one of their leaders, had been expelled and an
opposition grouping is emerging among the youth and
some of the unions controlled by CTA. This opposition
is to the left and is influenced by Trotskyism.
Other unions: there are initial, still weak signs of
emerging opposition groups within, but there is
widespread frustration of the workers with the
policies of their leaders. These two phenomena, as is
the split in the CTA/FTV, if they coalesce, would be
important developments for the situation itself and
the massification of the revolutionary left.
Next week I'm traveling to Argentina for a month. I
will send you more information then.
Lastly: I don't intend to answer Nestor's points
because they contain so much Dis-information and
confusion that would take a long time to do so. He
represents a political tendency that does not exist
nor plays any revolutionary role in Argentina today,
thus trying to disintagle his post is a job I leave
As per Louis position, I repeat here what I said
before. I do believe that the left in Argentina has a
chance if they develop a proper transitional program
(democratic, transitional and socialist demands) and
overcome their confusion about the characterization of
the situation. If they couple this with an honest
raproachment, first in the method of the united front
with the perspective of creating a powerful,
multitendential revolutionary party ... then they have
Louis starts with he impossibility of that task, thus
he replaces program and political action with
cynicism. That, of course, is his right. But makes
the question of finding a common ground outside
generalities very difficult, so why to argue with the
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