A few further remarks on Wales.

michael pearn neprimerimye at yahoo.co.uk
Mon Nov 18 17:54:15 MST 2002

Ed George, Marc Jones and myself exchanged views on
this list as to how socialists should relate to the
national question in Wales both in the present and as
an historical question. Contributions on this list
have been polite, all too rare on some lists, and
perhaps even served to clarify our respective
positions a little. Therefore I hope comrades who hail
from nations other than Wales will bear with this
latest installment.

Ed George has argued, following GA Williams, that the
nation of Wales only came into being with the rise to
global hegemony of British Imperialism in the
nineteenth century. By way of contrast and it is a
stark contrast Mark Jones argues that Wales is an
ancient nation having its roots in the Romano-British
Principalities which cohered in the six to eighth
centuries C.E. Both take too simplistic a view with
one placing the emphasis on continuity and the other
on the breaks within the historical record. As is
often the way with these things both are wrong and
both  right.

To argue that a Wales existed prior to the nineteenth
century is not to concede legitimacy to Welsh
nationalism as Ed fears but is to recognise the facts
of the continuity of community in this country. As GA
Williams argued there have been many different Wales
in history but it was only with the triumph of Britain
that a nation in the Marxist sense came into being
here. The creation of this nation being within the
British polity and as a part of it. Prior to this
development the position of Engels that such
communities as the Welsh were the detritus of history
unable to construct stable states and therefore
lacking any meaningful history stands as an accurate

There is nothing condemnatory in such a description of
Wales as a history-less nation contrary to Mark’s
defence of the medieval princes and their society. For
the facts are that Wales was a backward economically
retarded area within Britain during the era of the
princes. Pummelled by the Irish, by Vikings and
confined to a large degree to impoverished hill
territories it is remarkable that any literate culture
survived. Such survival of culture was confined to the
Church in the Heroic age and even after did not enjoy
any significant revival due to the backward nature of
the economy. Backward that is in comparison to the
larger more prosperous economy in England.

One notes that by the time of the Norman conquest
England had become a prosperous unified state, which
is why it was such a target for Norse Kings and Norman
barons alike, while Wales remained a divided and
impoverished land. In England slavery was fading away;
but in Wales remained a major economic factor. Land
holdings and the area under cultivation were
increasing in size in England; but in Wales land was
divided time and time again with ever generation, and
this in an already retarded economy. Certainly this
meant that for the peasant majority such freedoms as
some had enjoyed in an earlier period were lost as
more were reduced to serfdom with the rise of the
feudal mode of production but in Wales the freedoms
that remained for the gentle born were nominal when
the parcelisation of land reduced them to penury.

Considered dispassionately the enterprise of most of
the Princes in Wales can be seen to be no more
laudable than that of their peers elsewhere in Europe.
These were brutal men in a brutal age despite which
some do stand above the brutish scramble for power.
For example one might cite Hywel Dda, and what a title
to bear, Hywel the Good - history is kind to some -
who codified Welsh law. But the law could only be
codified as he had defeated so many of his rivals and
was temporarily top of the heap commanding a great
enough proportion of the surplus value accrued from
exploitation and the spoils of war to be able engage
in such a state building project. Significantly with
his death his Princedom was divided and fell back into
the internecine wars that marked the age. Following
which Gwynedd in North Wales achieved a place at the
heart of any state building project as its princes
sought to build their domain into a state free of the
English King. For modern day nationalists this
struggle has been portrayed as a fight for a national

In reality the struggle of the Princes of Gwynedd
could not be national in character as there was at
this time no sense of nationhood as a political and
cultural entity to which all in a given polity
belonged. Whether or not Pura Wallia, that part of
Wales ruled by the petty princes, could even be truly
described as feudal is a moot point before the final
demise of Gwynedd in 1285 and is very dubious before
the first Norman incursions which came after 1067.
Rather we see a society dominated by kinship networks
and the common ownership of land. Slavery too remained
an important institution far more so than in the
English Kingdoms to the east where the institution had
fallen into almost total decay by 1066. Given the
perennial warfare tribute too had an economic function
not found in more settled societies other than those
which Marx described as belonging to the Eastern mode
of production. Wales in the heroic age and even after
was an enormously backward society economically and
culturally. It’s conquest and assimilation by English
feudalism was a massive step forward for the mass of
the population.

Tied to the English Crown Wales suffered the fate of
many a conquered land and it’s language was
discriminated against, it’s laws abolished except in
the most backward of rural fastnesses and it’s
nobility used as hirelings for an alien King. In short
Welsh society improved for every class but the Princes
who passed into legend. Compared to the endless wars
of the past seven hundred years the late Middle Ages
were a time of prosperity for Wales and as such the
gentry experienced a growing prosperity. This in turn
led to a revival of culture and Cymraeg again
dominated areas, such as the Vale of Glamorgan, from
which it had been pushed by war. And yet it was and
remained a backward region comparted to England and
this ensured that the gentry, the descendants of
Princes who traced their ancestry back to Troy, were
willing to turn to arms to improve their lot. The
result was the rising of Owain Glyndwr the last native
Prince of Wales.

The rising originated as Ed George has pointed out as
a local dispute between factions of the gentry. Yet
within a short time it had escalated into an
insurrection that encompassed almost every part of
Wales. Glyndwyr was even for a very brief time, little
more than one season passed before he was again driven
to the hills, able to send envoys to the King of
France and summon a Parlement to Machynlleth.
Following this brief episode the full weight of the
English state was brought to bear and Glyndwyrs defeat
was ensured and he passed into myth. The question that
Ed cannot answer given his position that a nation only
came into being in Wales with the triumph of British
imperialism in the nineteenth century is why this
local dispute assumed national dimensions. The answer
lies in the consciousness of the Welsh gentry that
they were a people, a national community, separate and
different from the English state. Given that they had
prospered as a class from the peaceful conditions that
prevailed after the defeat of the last Prince of
Gwynedd, except in so far as they participated in the
wars of the English king in France, this consciousness
of constituting a distinct community might never have
produced political consequences were it not for the
land dispute which began Glyndwrs rising. Yet the
unexpected success of Glyndwrs rising did bring
aspirations to form their own state to the surface
among a large part of the Welsh gentry particularly in
Gwynedd and the west. To acknowledge that Glyndwrs
rising did reach its apogee in the attempt to form a
feudal state in Wales is to surrender nothing to the
nationalist case, it is simply an acknowledgement that
this Wales, that of Glyndwr, was one of the many Wales
that might have been.

There is much to be learnt from Glyndwrs rising not
least the power that ideology has, particularly in a
largely illiterate society, for part of the reason for
the man’s momentary success was due to his use,
consciously or otherwise, of the orally transmitted
mythologies of this Wales. It might even be the case
that Glyndwyr became the tool of these mythologies
rather than their master. Their grip on the minds of
the gentry and the peasants legitimised his rebellion
against the English king when no other means existed
to do so. The bards, that is the transmitters of this
oral tradition, acted as the guardians of this
communal consciousness and in so far as they preserved
a national consciousness preserved it in Cymraeg and
in Cymraeg alone.

It is an irony of history that having been repeatedly
defeated in war the Welsh gentry class finally
ascended the throne of their enemies. For having
gambled on Glyndwyr and lost the gentry turned back to
support of the English monarchy. Typical of all
exploiting classes they were quick to reconcile
themselves with an alien power when assured that they
were secure in their social position. And like all
such classes they were gifted with more than one
adventurer although only one was needed to sire the
first of the Tudors who gleefully proceeded to annex
Welsh legend as the personal possession of their
dynasty. The result was the end of all punitive laws
which discriminated against the Welsh and eventually
the incorporation of Wales within the new British
state with the Acts of Union in 1536-43. The gentry
class gained thereby entry to and incorporation within
a new British Empire. As an economically backward and
impoverished region Wales substantially passed from
the stage of history.

>From the Acts of Union to the birth of Imperial Wales
no class in Wales was able to play any independent
role either socially or politically. A rural society
shorn of its own indigenous leaders Welsh society
decayed culturally to become no more than a region
distinguished by little more than its own peculiar
language. And it was this language that marked out the
Welsh as being different that was now relegated to
having the status of pariah and was then if not
persecuted at least treated at best with benign
neglect and outlawed from any official status. The
backwardness of Wales and its marginal situation being
best illustrated in these years of eclipse by the
seeming indifference of almost all of society to the
English Revolution. Where the gentry did participate
in this momentous struggle it was on the side of the
Stuarts. While in England the growing bourgeoisie
played a revolutionary role in Wales this class could
scarce be found in the tiny towns of the day.

This situation of profound backwardness only began to
change with the first wave of industrial capitalism
which still left Wales lagging behind much of Britain.
Yet this first wave of development does repay study
because it begins to illustrate a pattern followed by
far larger groups of workers at a later stage. Its
geographical location is interesting too as for
perhaps the only time in the history of Wales the
empty lands of mid-Wales took the leading role. That
role was a producer of wool for the booming markets in
England illustrating the intimate relations between
production in Wales and England. Much of this area
also became Anglicised at this time too as a modern
workers movement began to appear in the small towns.
Socialism too also appears for the first time and the
name of Robert Owen of Newtown should be well known to

As this early wave of industrialisation developed
apace Wales became urbanised and the newly cohering
industrial proletariat began to develop class
consciousness. The struggles that ensued are well
known and Ed George has referred to some in his post.
But it is well to note that South Wales was amongst
the most violent of areas in Britain during the early
stages of industrialisation. In fact many of those
sucked into the mammon’s slathering maw from the more
rural fastnesses of the west had themselves
experienced or knew of the riotous Hosts of Rebecca.
The newly industrialising society of this new South
Wales was then explosive and violent to its core. The
grip of what G A Williams has described as Jacobin
views in this dynamic and mobile but undemocratic
society led to the Merthyr Rising of 1931 where the
Red Flag was raised for the first time in Britain. For
more details comrades are referred to Williams
excellent book on the Rising where he demonstrates
that this local insurrection was born of an intensely
democratic society and even at this early stage
exhibited tendencies towards the development of
independent working class leadership and demands.

The subsequent history of class struggles in
industrial South Wales is the history of the class
struggle everywhere with a terrifying variety of
tactics and strategies being tried and failing during
the first half of the nineteenth century. Chartism and
the Newport Rising stand as the most stark
illustration of the tendency of autonomous working
class politics to become both politicised and
revolutionary. Contrary to Ed Georges earlier
assertion however Chartism in Wales was not
wholeheartedly on the Physical Force - revolutionary -
wing of the movement. Nor was the Newport Rising an
isolated regional miscarriage as there is some
evidence that risings were planned in the North of
England which were to join up with the Welsh Chartists
in a state wide insurrection. In fact only such a
supposition makes any sense of the attempted tactics
of the leaders of the rising in Wales which are
otherwise inexplicable.

With the massive expansion of coal mining in the final
years of the nineteenth century Wales did enter its
Imperial period full well. As has been noted in
earlier posts it was in this period that a national
consciousness emerged in Wales that united both
English and Welsh speakers; rural and urban; north and
south. It was a consciousness that was for a brief
moment encapsulated in the Liberal party of David
Lloyd George and would find a home within the
Labourist consensus from 1945 onwards. But it would be
an error to presume that this Imperial Wales was built
solely on coal. Steel, tin and even slate had their
places in this period as did the rail and shipping
needed for transportation. While coal had a central
role the weight of other industries should not be
underestimated nor should the sheer magnitude of the
Labourite consensus after 1945.

It is peculiar to reflect that if one considers Wales
in isolation from the rest of Britain as a separate
entity we might almost be looking at a Stalinist
country in the nineteen-fifties. Consider that coal,
steel, rail and the new National Health Service were
all state capitalist trusts. That the country was in
all essentials a one party state and was as drab as
any provincial backwater in the USSR cannot be
underestimated. Symbolic of this the Labourite
establishment inspired, if mediocrity can be so
described, the Welsh Museum of Folk Life just to the
north of Cardiff. Set in the grounds of St Fagans
Castle, an Elizabethan Mansion and site of the only
major battle of the English Civil War fought in Wales
(the good guys won), this was designed as a mythic
Wales by the rising Welsh intelligentsia. Until recent
years one could find a plethora of labourers homes and
a goodly number of chapels, the picture painted was of
a rural Welsh speaking nation. What was not permitted
was even the merest shadow of the class struggle.
Amusingly with the defeat of the miners strike of 1985
this changed and an urban area was introduced with the
rebuilding of a Miners Institute and but yards away a
Police Station was undergoing reconstruction on my
last visit! Perhaps most ludicrously the last
remaining pit decided to hold a Miners Eistedffordd on
the grounds a few years ago as if to enter history in
advance of one’s generation! My friends I considered
photocopying some old long dead socialist papers and
selling them on the day but alas as happens with paper
sales it rained and I remained in bed. (Should any
rich comrade visit the area feel free to contact me

But even the mythic Wales of How Green Was My Valley
and the related mythology of left labourism in which
the miners featured as the cavalry coming to rout the
Tories at the last minute has passed. As Ed George
wrote an entire series of state enterprises were
established throughout the country during the post war
years diversifying the economic base. But this by no
means tells the entire story of the continued
reshaping of Wales since 1945. That much of this
investment was state driven is true but there was also
considerable private investment such as the Ford
engine plant in Bridgend. The role of the Labourite
barons who were based in Wales should also be noted as
despite the apparent power of the likes of Jim
Callaghan and Michael Foot neither was able to secure
additional investment as a result of that power. These
men served as the CEO of Great Britain PLC and Leader
of Her Majestys Opposition but real power they rarely
glimpsed. Despite Ed Georges assertion neither
developed much of a retinue from the ranks of the
Labour Party in Wales being creatures respectively of
the right and left of the Labour Party machine.
Kinnock the only Welshman of the three Ed mentioned
was never able to translate the following he had into
a developed retinue as he never so much as smelt power
let alone tasted it. Except now as an unelected

The alternative story of South Wales since the hey day
of state capitalism in the 1950's is that of
communications and diversification. The decline of
coal and steel are a counter-point to this serialist
symphony where each sequence of investment is
succeeded by another of redundancy and destruction. As
Ed outlined there was considerable state investment in
South Wales during the fifties and sixties but this
essentially left untouched the reliance of the region
on coal and steel, merely mopping up that part of the
labour force displaced from these industries. That the
region did not collapse into outright depression
during the seventies is attributable to private
investment however although even this was state
directed by judicious use of subsidies, a different
form of state capitalism but none the less state

As is so often the case with Wales this story of
communications and diversification begins in London.
Rather give a historical summery of how this developed
it is as well to look at the geography of a road. The
road is the M4 which runs from London to Swansea. All
on this list will know that London, the very maw of
Mammon, is the very headwater of capital investment to
which all the priests and acolytes of capital must
pray thrice daily. This is certainly true for Wales
and the profits generated most always find their way
to The City and to that holiest of holies all must
repair to for needed capital investment. But to a
large degree the needed capital for any project will
not travel along the entire M4 but will find various
more hospitable niches along the way. The first stop
might well be in Reading where large numbers of high
tech research and development jobs are located as is
also true of Swindon further to the west. Continuing
west we cross one or other of the two Severn
crossings, the first opened in the sixties and
considerably cutting road transport costs.

At this point the road enters Wales and the first town
on importance is Newport, once a coal port still the
home of Llanwern Steelworks. As we pass Newport we
reach a series of electronics and microchip factories
which skirt the lower edge of the M4 into north
Cardiff. In general these facilities are either aging
assembly plants, all too often threatened by newer
cheaper facilities in the east, or plants only
partially commissioned as a result of over capacity in
the market. North of the east-west line formed by the
road run the various valleys where the main
commodities produced are surplus labour power and
despair. Although parts of the coastal belt are
impoverished and islands of prosperity can be found in
The Valleys, especially on the eastern and southern
edges, in general The Valleys are a wilderness of
smack and crackheads with an aging population and few
resources. Were all the communities which make up The
Valleys to be considered as a single entity the
results would reveal perhaps the most devastated urban
area in Western Europe. If we in Britain possessed the
democratic right to keep  and bear firearms killings
would be daily. The road then continues west past
Llantrisant, where that funny money stuff grows, and
Bridgend with its large Ford Engine complex. It ends
at Swansea near where the second of the major steel
works in Wales is to be found at Neath. Past Swansea
dragons dwell.

Cardiff is very much the regional centre and this
tendency is becoming more accentuated. The result is a
recasting of the identities of the various communities
of the region. Without their pits and chapels the
communities of The Valleys are nothing but cheap dorms
for workers who toil by day in factories and offices
in or around Cardiff and like as not spend their
recreational hours in the super clubs and multiplexes
of Cardiff Bay or the similarly characterless leisure
parks strung along the road. In fact as with most
communities in the highly developed economies that
little word community should actually read dormitory.
Cardiff too has been a victim of the destruction of
long standing communities although the destruction was
at its peak long before most of the left were willing
to recognise the process. Not only was the docklands
community removed or redeveloped but much of working
class Cathays was pushed out to new housing
developments allowing it to become the largest
concentration of student accommodation in Britain, a
veritable ghetto for the under graduate population.

Like most cities Cardiff has seen the working class
pushed away from the centre and out to housing estates
on the cities periphery. The nineties saw this ongoing
process reach a climax of sorts. Most notoriously so
called Tiger Bay the multi ethnic community in
Cardiff’s docklands was finally consigned to history
as the surrounding Cardiff Bay area underwent massive
development, although in large part this famous
locality was actually gutted in the sixties with the
final end of the port as a major employer in the city.
The working class districts of Splott and Tremorfa
were also gutted when their original focus, the East
Moors Steel works closed in 1979 - the last remnant of
Cardiff’s blue collar past Allied Steel and Wire
closing only a few months ago (Ed may be interested
that a Spanish company may reopen a reduced
operation). The end result is a city with three linked
central zones, stretching from the Bay to the
University taking in the primary retail zone along the
way. Grouped around this core are the more established
residential areas and on the fringes of the city
anonymous dorms for the proles. Little wealth is
actually generated in Cardiff today with the cities
employment stemming from service industries. None the
less South Wales as a whole has large numbers of
smaller industrial establishments which survive on the
basis of low skills and thus low wages. But the
profits made flow through Cardiff and along the road
to the City.

What has developed is an economy which has specialised
in those areas which feature a low skill level and
require low levels of investment creating a Wales
which is a reserve of low wage labour. The fantasies
of Welsh nationalism cannot deal with this as their
entire strategy is to argue for a Wales that can
compete as an equal partner within the European Union.
The problem for this strategy being that as state
subsidies are banned by the EU such competition would
then be on less equal terms than previously. That
Plaid Cymru, the nationalist party, adopts at election
times some of the demagogy of Labourism is tribute to
the shallow roots of new labour in a region where
neither the Conservative epoch had much impact on
fundamentals outside of the Cardiff area. But the use
of language is mere demagogy and when Plaid has a
share of power at local level it acts as much the
trained dog of Westminster as any Conservative or
Blairite council could wish to. Nor have any trade
union bodies so much as thought to break from the
Labour to back Plaid which remains a petite bourgeois
party at root. If Plaid offers no way forward for
workers the same must be said of the left of that
party which is minuscule in point of fact. Although
organisationally separate the tiny Cymru Goch (Red
Wales) grouplet represents a parody of a political
group having neither a coherent doctrine or practice.
The sole activity of this tiny group is to act as
critics of all ‘British’ parties and the mainstream of
the nationalist movement while providing the ideology
of the latter with a socialist gloss. Thankfully no
one is listening.

The changes in the constitution of the working class
in Wales have been less dramatic than in Britain as a
whole and Trades Union membership is commensurately
higher. However the grip of the traditional Labourite
right is also stronger here than is the case
elsewhere. Unlike most regions of England and Scotland
there is not so much as one notable figure in the
workers movement aligned in even a loose sense with
the socialist left. Attendance of union branches is
also very low and although no statistics are available
lower than in Britain taken as a whole. Naturally this
differs from area to area and from one occupational
group to another but the attitude often taken to
branch meetings was summed up for me on a firefighters
picket line on Thursday as “mostly its just seen as an
excuse for having a drink”. This from a man with
fifteen years service as a firefighter in an
occupation marked by a high degree of commitment and
in the last few years by a number of disputes
culminating in the present dispute. While I don’t wish
to pour cold water on those who see a revival in the
workers movement, because it does exist although it is
by no means as buoyant as might be thought from
reading the socialist weeklies, this revival is
partial, often sectional and markedly stronger in
London being fuelled by factors specific to that city.
In general class consciousness remains at a point
somewhat lower than at any time since 1900 and Wales
is perhaps the weakest area in Britain.

This is reflected in the political organisations that
make up, along with the unions, the workers movement.
In prime place is the Labour party and at the level of
Wales this is fairly solidly Old Labour with Blairism
only having any roots in Cardiff and even here they
are more in terms of appearance than reality. The
city’s Labour Party being fairly Old Labour and rotten
in most respects but at the municipal level dominated
by a particularly odious machine politician whose
actual politics would fit any of the four major
parties operating in the city with only minimal
changes in demagogy. That the city’s three Labour
Westminster members are more firmly Old Labour was
evidenced by Blairs opposition to the personally
popular Rhodri Morgan becoming boss of the new
Assembly. Having won the position Morgan has of course
proven himself to be a safe pair of hands for his
masters and maintained a coalition administration in
the Assembly with the Liberal Democrats despite having
an over all majority. In general the roots of the
Labour Party have continued to decay in Wales since
1979 and any visit to a Ward Labour Party will reveal
a generally aging collection of individuals not
particularly marked out as being in any way
exceptional, a most depressing experience. Candidates
for local office are the self regarding philistines
that only congregate wherever there is opportunity to
boost their egos of for graft. As is the case in all
advanced capitalist countries politics at the local
level is denuded of the activists which alone can
guarantee properly functioning democratic politics,
even in the most banal bourgeois sense. In many way
this process of democratic decay has reached American
proportions and but for the reluctance of business a
conversion of the Labour Party into a single party in
which various elements and factions vie for favours,
as is the model with the Liberal Democrats in Japan or
was the case with the Christian Democrats in Italy, is
an easily achievable goal for the boss class.

Wales then today is among the more retarded regions of
the emerging European polity and set to very gradually
fall to the economic level of regions such as Slovenia
or even Slovakia. This is a long term tendency however
and I hasten to point out the concern of the British
ruling class to preserve all sections of their domain
at a minimum level which is above that of the most
stricken regions of eastern and southern Europe. If
for no other reason than that they fear that should
poverty increase to the levels which afflict much of
the east social clashes would threaten the stability
of their rule. The example of parts of the former
German Democratic Republic should act as a stark
warning here and make no mistake the British state
does not have even the limited ability to pick up
particular regions which the German bourgeoisie has
exhibited. In general then the prospects for Wales as
a whole are fairly dismal with much of the country
becoming permanently marginalised while an area in the
south acts as an oasis of relative wealth and it
should be noted that it is only relative to the
valleys and the west that Cardiff seems prosperous.
The reality is that much of the working class in the
most fortunate city in Wales is as marginal as in any
other part of the country. Without skills there is now
a potentially massive reserve army of labour in
existence which lacks saleable skills.

This situation does mean that the working class is
potentially very volatile should a social crisis erupt
and that the unions and Labour party have far less
ability than has ever been the case to hold them back.
On the downside there are very few bodies in which
working class consciousness is embodied and sudden
eruptions might as easily fade back to nothing as
quickly as they burst into life. The potential for a
revolutionary alternative is then not great in the
short term given the lack of sectional struggles
toward which propaganda can be directed and despite
much bluster and empty talk the Anti Capitalist
movement in Wales has in practice very few echos
outside the colleges which are themselves not noted
for being particularly militant.

The far left in Wales too is very weak and at best the
various groups are mere shadows of their comrades in
England. Despite having some dedicated and able people
neither the Socialist Party or the Socialist Workers
Party have even marginal influence in any part of the
working class. Amusingly there has been a Socialist
Alliance in Wales that is perhaps the most dismal
failure of all that have sprung up in the last few
years. Formed initially by Cymru Goch and the
Socialist Party, after its exit from Labour, it was
always a contradictory body consisting of one group
which has left nationalist politics and another which
was in fact simply the Welsh branches of the SP and
therefore opposed to a Welsh state. It now consists of
the SWP and a handful of independents and is only to
be seen at election times when its performance has
been nothing better than a bad joke.

To close I would like to outline my opinion as to how
the revolutionary left should proceed in Wales. First
of all the various groups should resist schemes which
seem to promise much but deliver very little such as
the left reformist electoralism of the Welsh Socialist
Alliance, standing in elections before one has a base
is a recipe for sectarian isolation and is not a route
to the class as can be seen from Adelaide to Anglesey
to Aberdeen. Attempting to compromise on live issues
such as nationalism is possible in the short term but
must mean that revolutionaries either drift into
tailing the nationalism of the petite bourgeoisie or
that an unnecessary fight is obligated at a later
stage. Better to openly struggle against nationalist
elements whenever possible. Most importantly would be
revolutionaries need to politically orientate on the
working class in a consistent fashion. Without the
class all else is a lie.

For Communism

Mike Pearn

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