Answers to David S.

Nestor Gorojovsky nestorgoro at
Sun Jan 19 14:35:33 MST 2003

David Schanoes objects:

"Excuse me, Nestor, the only question worth answering is-- What was
the General's impact on the working class?"  Participating in a junta
that dispatches at least 30,000, more than half trade union and
workers' representatives, to torture, disappearance, and the Pacific
Ocean says all you need to say about the General's patriotism, about
patriotism in general."

1. To begin with, Argentina faces the Atlantic Ocean, not the
Pacific. When talking about some other people's country, it is good
practice to _at the very least_ consult a map before one begins to
speak. That is _my_ practice, at least, but my standards may be a
little bit too high...

2. On to David's core issue:

He asks: "What was the General's impact on the working class?"

Which of course is by no means "the only question worth answering",
as he says, but, of course, a very important question. It is "the
only question worth answering" for people who think along schematic,
"classist" lines, and who don't understand what does a National Front
mean. But even this question has a very interesting answer.

First of all, many of the people in the Square on April 2nd. were
workers, as workers were the people in the Square on March 30th, when
we were tear gassed and chased like fowl by the police. The March
30th march, by the way, had been called by the Union's Central,
specifically by Saúl Ubaldini.

What happened later was very interesting and very thought provoking
for those who don't wear black goggles. In fact, the necessities of
war took Galtieri to call into the House of Government
representatives of all political parties, and of the then almost
outlawed Union's Central, particularly Saúl Ubaldini. That is, he
began to feel the consequences of a national war: since the military
discovered that their former allies had left them for good, they
began to strike new alliances; for example, with Perú, Venezuela, or
Cuba! Galtieri's Foreign Relations Minister Costa Méndez, for
example, embraced Fidel Castro during a lightning trip to Havanna;
keep in mind that for Costa Méndez it was more or less as if any of
us were forced to embrace, say, Pinochet!

In the domestic front, they began to try to reach an agreement with
the same guys they had been murdering systematically some years ago,
and who had been the spearhead of the still weak opposition to the
regime, but who now appeared as the only support they could have. It
seems that there have even been commando groups attempting an attack
to Gibraltar, hastily organized by some Navy officers among
Argentinean exiles (former members of Montoneros) in Spain.

Galtieri even went as far as to publicly state that this war would
open up a new age in the relation between the military and the

Workers in Argentina understand the national question much better
than "Leftists", so that their support for the war was as immediate
as their repudiation of any gesture of appeasement towards the US.
There is an anecdote, which I always tell again and again. There was
a mass gathering at Plaza de Mayo during the negotiations where
Alexander Haig was "mediating" between Argentina and Britain.
Galtieri brought him to the balcony of the House of Government (the
_historic_ balcony where Perón delivered his speech on October 17,
1945 and on many other dramatic occasions), to show him that the
Argentineans were "only" defending their land, not "struggling
against imperialism".

During his speech, which was translated on the spot to Haig, each
time Galtieri defended the national rights of Argentina, the Square
roared in support. But when Galtieri said that "Our adversaries", he
was careful not to speak of "enemies"..., "have not listened to any
high sounding word from us", the whole Square roared, as if drilled
by an invisible hand, "Hijos de puta, hijos de puta!" (S.o.B.s,
S.oB.s!). Galtieri had to add, then, "...up to this moment". And Haig
simply concluded "this is Iran, we can't allow this to go ahead any
more", and decided to give full support of the US Armed Forces to
Britain (who were losing the war, in fact, and in spite of the
immense blunders commited by the Argentinean military command).

3. Later on, David exposes his own "theoretical" background:

"Also, categorically reject the notion that "the main contradiction"
is between "imperialism" and  the "nation."  The revolutionary
response to globalization is NOT self-determination,  illusory
national independence, nor classless formulations designed to comfort
an obsolete, stunted, national bourgeoisie."

If you believe that globalization is something different from
imperialism in new robes, you are very mistaken, dear friend. And if
you believe that a struggle between "imperialism" and the "nation" is
a classless formulation because "national struggle" is by definition
"bourgeois", then you are a toddler in these issues, and you should
begin to learn too many things for me to explain you here.

Perhaps you might start with Jim Blaut's "National Question". You
should also begin to learn and carefully think about the
revolutionary record of Cuba, China, Viet Nam, Angola, and even
Russia (please refer to the 3rd. Congress of the Communist
International and to the Congress of the Peoples of the East held in
Baku, Azerbaijan).

If after all that you still need more knowledge, then you could very
well try a reading of Trotsky's opinions on Latin America.

If, after you have seriously decided to take on that path, you still
understand that Lenin's _Imperialism_ is still the basic book to
the world scenario, then maybe you don't belong to a Marxism list,
dear David. But perhaps this is too sectarian on my side. In the end,
even the German Social Democrats who murdered Rosa were Marxists...

Néstor Miguel Gorojovsky
nestorgoro at

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"Aquel que no está orgulloso de su origen no valdrá nunca
nada porque empieza por depreciarse a sí mismo".
Pedro Albizu Campos, compatriota puertorriqueño de todos
los latinoamericanos.
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