[Marxism] Argentine recovery defies neoliberal convention

Nestor Gorojovsky nestorgoro at fibertel.com.ar
Mon Dec 27 05:07:05 MST 2004


Respuesta a: RE: [Marxism] Argentine recovery defies neolibera
Remitido por: Walter Lippmann
Fecha: Domingo 26 de Diciembre de 2004 
Hora: 22:00
*****

> Our friend Nestor will surely have a more informed and
> more nuanced viewpoint than I will, but both this and
> the NY Times article, despite its whiney tone, tells 
> us that progress is being made under Nestor Kirchner's
> presidency.

I expect to have hopefully fulfilled all your predictions as to my 
viewpoint on another mail I sent to the list today. Just to 
demonstrate how accurate your predictions were, I am adding something 
else now.

In the usual Argentinean fashion, that is indirectly, the Dec 2001 
mobilizations fueled a minimal reaction of national self-defense.  
Under such conditions "progress" couldn't BUT be made.  In face of 
the mobilizations and of the bold Rodríguez Saá Presidency, which 
took the mainstream politicians to organize a Parliamentary coup 
against him, the establishment had very little options, if any.  

During what actually was an anti-Rodríguez Saá electoral mobilization 
of 2002/2003,  Duhalde -himself out of the race after the police 
crime against Santillán and Kostecki at the Avellaneda Railroad 
Station, but still holding Presidency in his hands- chose one 
reactionary candidate after another to confront RS.  But they melted 
in front of the recently ousted President.  Duhalde, the Great 
Elector of Peronism, first sought to boost and subsequently turned 
down two conservative and pro-imperialist candidates (de la Sota, 
Reutemann) after realizing that none of them would beat Rodríguez Saá 
in the elections.  

In the end, he stroke an agreement with the most progressive of his 
fold, Kirchner, a petty bourgeois Peronist from the oil-rich Santa 
Cruz province, with quite a respectable past, no power of his own, 
and an "actualized" (that is, quite Sanitized) vision of Peronism and 
Argentina.  His "progressivity", together with a ferocious press 
campaign to install a Dracula sort of "right wing" candidate with 
López Murphy (putting people in the alternative of voting the 
official candidate, Kirchner, or fueling this monster -or Menem!!!!- 
into Presidency), gave him the upper hand in the Presidentials.

Thus, the lesser evil candidate for the retreating establishment, but 
the in the end the candidate of the "Olivos pact" gang, came to 
Presidency.  Not only one, but many of his personal friends or 
political operators told me in private that "we know that we reached 
power stained and dirty; but we shall clean ourselves up now".  This 
is not an easy task, indeed, and Kirchner has not been able, as yet, 
to do it properly, though those who have put him in the Presidential 
seat know what his goals are.

There lies his great plus, there lies his great minus.  He is 
squeezed between the forces which carried him to the top and the 
forces which can summon him to adopt a more serious and revolutionary 
policy.  

He is trying to deactivate _both_ at the same time and to put all of 
them at his command.  A hard task, given that he is an almost 
paradigmatic representative of the Argentinean middle classes, and as 
such cannot offer a political project of his own, but in the end tilt 
either towards the workers, either towards the patrons.

But during the 90s the country that has been denationalized to the 
extent that today around 80% of the GDP is produced in foreign (that 
is, generally imperialist) owned plants, and foreign trade -
particularly of soja beans and oil, the basic staples of Argentina, 
our "wage" in the international division of trade- is in hands of 
foreign business: in the agrarian sector, foreign intervention covers 
the whole range from commercial credit to overseas shipping (under 
Cavallo, Argentina liquidated, in much a Soviet Union fashion -with 
Arg sailors stranded in African ports and all the niceties of such 
processes- its own national and public overseas commercial fleet, 
ELMA); in oil, the passage of the Arg public Treasury Oilfields (YPF) 
to Repsol, apparently a Spanish namesake for British capital, makes 
the whole thing a game of imperialist loot.

Thus, tilting towards the patrons is too high a price to pay because 
under the current conditions it would be to simply tilt openly 
towards imperialism.  This is too much for the current political 
situation.  This is why, in spite of Kirchner's bad credentials, 
"progress" is made.  He is simply pushed by a weak but steady wind 
ahead, the "background radiation" of the Dec, 2001 mobilizations.

Néstor Miguel Gorojovsky
nestorgoro at fibertel.com.ar

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 
"Sí, una sola debe ser la patria de los sudamericanos".
Simón Bolívar al gobierno secesionista y disgregador de 
Buenos Aires, 1822
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