[Marxism] Interlude 1

Waistline2 at aol.com Waistline2 at aol.com
Sat Feb 21 03:46:59 MST 2004

The monologue continues. Dialogue is to win the votes of the workers.
The African American people – as a people, have been at the heart of American 
history. American history means its evolution as a value producing society. 
Karl Marx observed this peculiar development and wrote much about slavery in 
the colonies as a value producing system. Marxism and the National Question have 
never faired well in America. The result has been disastrous and distorted 
the Marxist movement. The anti-communist and anti-Soviet black elite are part of 
a cabal of rascals that have fought for fifty years to prevent the 
penetration of the Marxism conception of the national Question, within broad sections of 
the proletariat. 
Life asserts itself and no power on earth – short of its destruction, can 
stamp out Bolshevism and forever suppress the brilliance of Marxism and the 
National Question.  Bolshevism is the advanced political culture of the forward 
thinking leaders of the proletariat. One has to cross the threshold of Stalin. 
In the wake of the 1967 Rebellion in Detroit, emerged a group of militants 
and radicals that had at it cores individuals that had just returned from Cuba 
and had been honored by an audience with Fidel. 
The intellectual core of these militants was John Watson, Kenneth Cockrel, 
Mike Hamlin, Luke Tripp, John Williams and General Baker as the undisputed 
leader of the proletarian core. General Bakers “Letter to the Draft Board” and “
Statement To Chrysler Corporation” has entered history and can be found in 
numerous books covering the period of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Today General 
Baker is a leading member of the League of Revolutionaries for a New America. 
How this group came together is an interesting story that is currently being 
written by a new generation of the black intellectual elite. What is 
indisputable is that they formed a broad organization of insurgents whose core quickly 
became communist and Marxists. Their form of organization was a federation or 
grouping with members involved in every front of struggle. Their unity was 
based on a formula written in the Communist Manifesto, “victory to the workers in 
their current struggle.”  
The member revolved around the production and distribution of literature – 
perhaps 30 different shop papers, roughly 15 different Student newsletters and 
the Inner City Voice. In the factory gate distributions students were utilized 
in the early morning hour to shield the plant members from the harsh hand of 
the company and the treachery of union officials. 
How this group developed and evolved their signature Marxism is the stuff of 
legend. Factory workers spent roughly two years working and studying from six 
to eight hours a day, three to five times a week. Instrumental to this process 
was Nelson Peery and the Guideline for the Study of Marxism. Everything in 
Lenin was studied, Stalin’s 13 volumes were reproduced, the intellectual history 
of the CPUSA was assembled, and all Chairman Mao writings were taught and 
read. Proletarian publishers and our workers press reprinted classics from the 
treasure house of Marxism including Stalin’s classic “History of the Communist 
Party of the Soviet Union: Bolshevik Short Course.” 
The reprinting in book form of “A Textbook of Marxist Philosophy” prepared 
by the Leningrad Institute of Philosophy under the Direction of M. Shirkov, - 
in 1974, remains one of the greatest intellectual weapons given to our 
proletariat by the heroic Soviet proletariat. This text has been further clarified and 
developed as expressed in the Marxist conception of the dialectic of the 
leap. This material is available from the Institute for the Study of the Science 
of Society, whose address is available on the front page of Marxmail. 
At the core of these militants that became communists – perhaps twenty, every 
single one without exception emerged as leader in the industrial union 
movement. What is unusual is not communists winning elections, but that seventy 
percent of this group was black and white women. Defying the impossible one of 
these women (white) won a seat in the state House of Representatives in Georgia. 
Our conception of Marxism and the National Question and the African American 
Question is the only Marxist conception with validity. We claim this right 
based on a verifiable history of thirty years of unrelenting struggle against the 
ideologists and the fact that we win. Losing is extremely distasteful to us 
and means we have not properly understood the direction and mood of the workers 
who class instinct and demands we are to express. It falls to the winner to 
give “name.” 
Under the influence of Nelson Peery our communist group rapidly became 
multi-national and unprecedented in the history of the American Union. Our 
distinction was that we were dominated by women and black industrial workers. We 
learned our Marxism the hard way – at the knee of Lenin and Stalin. While 
acknowledging Leon Trotsky contributions to October as a petty bourgeois ideologists 
(Lenin words), we have opposed political Trotskyism for a lifetime and block its 
penetration into the industrial proletariat and that section of the African 
American people movement in conflict with the state. 
What has to be ascertained is why we developed as we did?  As individuals 
none of us think the same way, yet all of us no matter where we are, grasp the 
same logic of political motion. Among us are differences concerning particular 
episodes in the history of the American Union. In relationship to what parades 
itself as Marxism in the America we are a monolith. 
The intellectual core of the black elite is leagues ahead of the petty 
bourgeois left and the bourgeois intellectual concerning American history and 
politics. The transformation of the Reverend Al Sharpton into a Presidential 
candidate has not been lost on us. The black bourgeoisie faces it greatest danger 
since Reconstruction and along with this a section of the black intellectual 
elite. Both have hit the historical wall and can raise no demand in the 
ideological sphere that is not that of the most poverty stricken section of proletariat. 
In fact the black bourgeoisie is utterly reactionary. Their fear of the 
communist class has no bounds. 
It is in the nature of political logic that every one hits the same wall 
together. Contained within the methodology of Stalin, – not the specific inner 
party struggle tactics, is the dialectic of the leap. A leap is not a jump from 
one qualitative state to another. The dialectic of the leap means a transition. 
In other words the form of the social movement by definition lag behind the 
social process and then leaps forward to express what is new. Al Shapton is an 
old form of the social process that has lost its validity. The black 
intellectual elite understand this. They fear the increasing reaction that is the 
dialectic of transition. Here is why a sector is compelled to “discovery” our 
history. Our “Vote Communist” campaign is nothing less than a masterstroke in 
political strategy. 
Before leaving Detroit I stopped by General house and breezed through a 1500 
page manuscript of our history written by a black women – a professor. We were 
fucked up because her meticulous work revealed things we had simply 
forgotten. She produced and wrote about the documents of the inner chambers of the UAW 
and political establishment and their attempts to out maneuver us. 
Here is the point. 
In the last period political Trotskyism can claim nothing other than blocking 
against Soviet power. This is a political intersection with the reactionary 
section of the black elite. Very few black communists embrace political 
Yet, we hit the political wall first. No one sounds like me and all of us 
sound the same. We quote the masters because we are not independent thinkers. 
Independent thinkers cause problems with their thinking because it gets converted 
into individualized actions without a line of march. Our workers do not like 
people like that and never vote for them. We are men and women of independent a
ction with the ability to independently find our own bearing. This is the 
meaning of being a communist insurgent. We however, get stuck. The dialectic of 
the leap has to be mastered little by little. 
The communist that won their positions within the trade union movement are 
trapped. One cannot simply walk away – quit their job and become homeless. A 
political body can not turn like a military column. We cannot perform “left-face”
 or “right face turns.” This is what’s meant when Comrade Stalin teaches us 
that a party becomes stronger by purging itself. Every quantitative juncture 
produces its own leaders. Communists do not build base areas. Rather we educate 
and lead. 
The petty bourgeois ideologist write history from the standpoint of what they 
believe is the correct ideology. Communist workers disclose the mechanics of 
the process. 
The CPUSA faced the same situation we are at prior to the outbreak of 
Montgomery and was destroyed during the period of transition in the social struggle. 
They got stuck. A base area cannot shift. We are not waging a colonial battle 
where organization – the party, is an army. This is what happened with the 
First, Second and Third Internationals. Everyone hits the wall. The CPUSA did not 
simply crash on the rock called the African American Question but could not 
transform themselves on the basis of the dialectic of the leap. As an 
organization they rode the crest of the industrial union movement and got trapped by 
There is a saying amongst the people of America “that God don’t create no 
junk.” And this also applies to history. We did not evolve from the CPUSA as an 
off shoot or political Trotskyism. We evolved out of the African American 
people’s movement as first and second generation proletarians. For instance 
General Baker Jr. - father, retired from Chrysler Motors.  Prior to the formation of 
DRUM (Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement) several young militants formed the 
UHURU group which was a collective dedicated to the study of Capital. 

I seek no flame war over Trotsky and Stalin. What is tragic is that most of 
the white members have a political tradition of Trotskyism – as best as I can 
ascertain their writings, and virtually every African American proletarian 
intellectual, most certainly my self does not have this tradition. 
God don’t create junk and neither does history. You must ask yourself – of 
the Trotsky tradition, how and why this configuration of history took place. 
Here is what I learnt at work in the course of thirty years. Every industrial 
machine on earth run in the same direction no matter what its configuration. 
Every worker with time under their belt know this, because machines run based 
on a law system and this applies to every industrial machine on earth. 
Machines are material extensions of people. History is no different. You cannot stick 
your hand into a machine just because you invented it. History is no 

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