[Marxism] City of God

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Wed Feb 25 12:39:54 MST 2004

  No Carnival Here: Oppressed Youth and Class Relations in City of God

Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale, Nathalia Jaramillo, Juha Suoranta, and 
Peter McLaren


Fascism should more appropriately be called Corporatism because it is a 
merger of State and corporate power.

             —Benito Mussolini

To oppose the policies of a government does not mean you are against the 
country or the people that the government supposedly represents. Such 
opposition should be called what it really is: democracy, or democratic 
dissent, or having a critical perspective about what your leaders are 
doing. Either we have the right to democratic dissent and criticism of 
these policies or we all lie down and let the leader, the Fuhrer, do 
what is best, while we follow uncritically, and obey whatever he 
commands. That’s just what the Germans did with Hitler, and look where 
it got them.1

             —Michael Parenti

1.1 We have entered into a new era of corporate-led globalized 
capitalism characterized not only by international flows of capital and 
technology but by an unrestrained military-industrial-media complex that 
serves to propagate and enforce the views, values, and ideologies 
necessary to sustain it. While the transnational ruling elite retreat 
into their gated communities, protected from the very people whose 
exploited labor-power has supplied them with their super profits, we are 
continuously reminded—most recently by the thousands of protestors who 
took to the streets of Cancun, Mexico during failed World Trade 
Organization negotiations—that class struggles are still active across 
the globe. Clearly, certain nation-states—most notably the United 
States—have not, as some critics predicted, yielded their sovereignty to 
transnational firms and international structures such as the WTO, World 
Bank, and IMF. The military-industrial complex—object of derision par 
excellence among the global left and some of its more thoughtful 
conservatives—is more dangerous today than ever before, not the least 
because it has become the sword arm, via the permanent war on terror, of 
its administration's geopolitical strategy to colonize the remaining 
untapped markets of the world.

1.2 Framed by its cardinal imperative of full spectrum dominance, the 
new militarism is witnessing far-reaching changes in the U.S. armed 
forces and their role in world affairs. As Carl Boggs (2003) has made 
chillingly clear, the military component of U.S. hegemony (a hegemony 
which encompasses economic, political, diplomatic, and cultural agencies 
of power) has become predominate. No rival centers of power or 
countervailing military forces exist—or will likely exist in the 
foreseeable future—that can contain this behemoth which strides so 
arrogantly across the world’s stage, threatening sovereign states and 
waging war against human freedom. Within the historical convergence of 
the end of the Cold War, the rise of the U.S. as the single superpower, 
high-tech warfare, the expanding Pentagon system, corporate driven 
globalization, the growth of domestic corporate power, the decline of 
the public sphere, and terrorist attacks of September 11, the U.S. 
continues to organize and manage crimes against peace, which are among 
the most egregious of the twentieth century. It is in this framework 
that class struggle today can be rendered more intelligible and our 
efforts to participate in it more potent.

full: http://www.louisville.edu/journal/workplace/issue6p1/mclaren.html


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