[Marxism] Ronald Reagan's death

Jurriaan Bendien andromeda246 at hetnet.nl
Sun Jun 6 07:35:02 MDT 2004

In general, I think it says little for someone's quality of character if
they celebrate the death of somebody. I'm obviously a strong critic of
Ronald Reagan, but of much more concern is what he leaves behind. That is,
in reality, the challenge we have to contend with, and that is what can be
argued with, which shouldn't be forgotten while you are all cheering his
death. It's not the man himself, but the social and political forces he
represented, that are of concern. Consider this text, for example:

Democratizing capitalism

Remarks prepared for delivery by Jack Kemp, Co-Director, Empower America, to
Investor's Business Daily's Second Annual Conference, "2002: A Business and
Economic Outlook" at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, February 15,


(...) "President Reagan and Abraham Lincoln share more than a common month
of birth in February. They also share a vision of the "American Dream." Both
great men understood that the American Dream is not confined to one class or
one color or even one nation. It is the most powerful force for economic
growth, wealth creation, and emancipation in human history. They believed
that with the right policies, we could look forward to the promise that
poverty as a permanent condition of mankind can be overcome. There have been
a lot of social experiments over the past century and a half, and the
results are in. Only a democratic capitalist system can give people access
to capital that eventually lifts them out of poverty and misery.

After more than 150 years of Marxist confusion on the subject, there can be
no doubt that owners of capital and workers are not different people with
conflicting interests, but the very same people at different stages of their
lives. Of course Lincoln and the American Founders understood this from the
very beginning. Listen to what the Great Emancipator said on the subject:

"I take it that it is best for all to leave each man free to acquire
property as fast as he can. Some will get wealthy. I don't believe in a law
to prevent a man from getting rich; it would do more harm than good. So
while we do not propose any war upon capital, we do wish to allow the
humblest man an equal chance to get rich with everybody else. When one
starts poor, as most do in the race of life, a free society is such that he
knows he can better his condition; he knows that there is no fixed condition
of labor for his whole life. That's the vision-liberal democracy on a
foundation of capitalism-that needs to be rekindled in America and around
the world:" (...)

Aren't we fortunate to have George W. Bush and his great team of Dick
Cheney, Don Rumsfeld, Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice standing at the helm
during these troubled times? We fight an enemy we can't identify; who hides
in the shadows and infects other nation states like a virus; an enemy who
practices asymmetric warfare that has a way of turning our greatest
strengths into weakness; who cannot be deterred because he values a martyr's
death above everything else in the world; an enemy who, no matter how many
nation states we crush with smart bombs and daisy cutters, can always find a
cave in the remotest regions or a hovel in the dark urban underworld beyond
the reach of governments. If we are not careful, we will end up like the man
who has no idea where he lost his wallet but insists on searching under the
street light because that is where the light is.

(...) One mistake is clear. We pulled out of Afghanistan without imposing
civil order and disabling the criminal elements that kept the country in
violent turmoil. We failed to break the back of the criminal gangs led by
thuggish warlords who are temporarily for sale to the highest bidder; whose
sole objective was, and remains, to plunder the country and grow, harvest
and sell poppies for the production of opium, Afghanistan's only real cash
crop. (...) While we aren't at the end of history, there is ultimately no
alternative to the liberal democratic ideal and the capitalistic
organization of human economic activity around private property and free
markets. That's the lesson Ronald Reagan taught us in the early 1980s and
the lesson America must provide the word in the 21st century. Thank you."

That is an argument which can and should be questioned, and critically
examined.  Libya's official JANA news agency, quoted Libyan leader Moammar
Qaddhafi as follows: "I express my deep regret because Reagan died before
facing justice for his ugly crime that he committed in 1986 against the
Libyan children."


Qaddhafi was referring to the 1986 air strikes Reagan ordered, in which the
Libyan leader's adopted daughter and 36 other people were killed. Reagan had
ordered the raid in response to the bombing of the La Belle disco in Berlin
on April 5, 1986, which killed two U.S. soldiers and a Turkish woman and
injured over 230 people. Reagan claimed "irrefutable" evidence that Libyan
leader Moammar Gadhafi was the brains behind the bombing and launched
airstrikes that month on two cities in Libya, one of which killed Gadhafi's
daughter as she slept.

But according to an independent investigation by Zweites Deutsches Fernsehen
(ZDF television) the lead defendant in the trial of suspected perpetrators
in the Berlin bombing, Yasser Mohammed Chreidi (Yassar Al-Shuraidi or Yassir
Chraidi) was quite possibly innocent as charged, and a scapegoat used by
German and American intelligence services. At least one defendant, a Libyan
diplomat called Musbah Abdulghasem Eter, had CIA connections for many years,
according to East German and Russian intelligence. Eter ran an international
business in Malta, which it is claimed, served as a cover for CIA

Key suspects did not appear in court, because they were protected by Western
intelligence services seeking to cover up their operations, and one of them,
Mohammed Amairi, was linked to Mossad. In his assessment, the German Judge
Marhofer therefore admitted prosecutors failed to prove definitely that
Muammar Qaddhafi himself had ordered the attack, because US and German
intelligence refused to provide relevant evidence which could incriminate
themselves. Marhofer said "the limited willingness" of the German and U.S.
governments to provide intelligence evidence as one of the disappointments
of the trial. Yet it was this central claim, that was supposed to justify
the direct US attack on Libyan territory.


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