[Marxism] Former spies insights/Marxists approach (2nd version)

Waistline2 at aol.com Waistline2 at aol.com
Wed May 12 18:41:24 MDT 2004


>The strategy of the United States in its war with radical Islam is in a
state of crisis. The global strategic framework is in much better shape than 
the tactical situation in the Iraq theater of operations -- but this is of 
only
limited comfort to Washington because massive tactical failure in Iraq could
lead to strategic collapse.<
 
Comment 
 
The State of the United States of North America is a multinational state 
authority and is the basic organ of violence and repression in the hands of the 
Anglo American imperialist bourgeoisie. This state is and has been the 
international hangmen of revolutions and the enemy of the people of earth. 
 
We have entered an era of mounting proletarian upsurge and communist economic 
revolution. The war in Iraq brings together a complex of issues involving 
oil, dissolution of semi-feudal structures that inhibit the flow and domination 
of speculative capital, buttressing the Israeli State and attempts at 
politically controlling the "Middle East" on the basis of liquidating the Palestinian 
question. What ties the state of the USNA to al Qaeda is the bourgeois property 
relations . . . private property pure and simple. What ties the state of the 
USNA to the various regimes of the "Middle East" is the bourgeois property 
relations . . . private property pure and simple. 
 
More fundamental than all the complex social issues is the need of the USNA 
State to defeat the mounting world wide proletarian upsurge before it 
consolidates. We faced a radically different class alignment than faced by our 
communist heirs during the transition from agricultural relations to world wide 
industrial relations. 
 
The poverty stricken masses in the earth are not a petty bourgeois mass. This 
mass is not a lumpen proletariat that takes shape during the transition from 
agriculture to industry. This poverty stricken mass is declassed proletarians 
possessing nothing other than the sale of their labor power and cannot enter 
the system of buying and selling of labor power. They are "declassed" because 
they express a radical breach in the internal bond that that welded labor and 
capital into a social process.  
 
The objective face of this rupture is the existence of speculative capital or 
a mass of capital outside the material process of the production of 
commodities and a proletariat outside - declassed, the production of commodities. It is 
not a lumpen proletariat because this social formation belongs to another 
period of history. 
 
Overthrowing the Leninist form does not mean overthrowing Lenin's doctrine of 
social revolution. The social revolution takes place in the material power of 
production - the spontaneous and accelerating reorganization of the 
technological regime. This impulse compels society to leap to a new political basis 
that allows for the all round development of the (qualitatively) new productive 
forces. Unlike the period of transition from agriculture to industry, the form 
of property is not coming under attack but rather all forms of property. 
 
Property means the ownership rights of the individual that dictates how 
cycles of reproduction takes place. Bourgeois property means that cycles of 
reproduction takes place on the basis of what is profitable, no matter what its 
destructive impact on society and women. 

Imperialism's irresistible urge to reconstruct Iraq on the basis of remnants 
of its previous bourgeois regime is a class assertion or a demand being 
generated to property the bourgeois property relations. The increasing fight against 
the "Collaborators" - terribly complex in its ideological and social 
features, is an objective communist impulse (note: an impulse) because its economic 
logic has to provide for the well being of the Iraqi masses. No ideology has 
ever filled a hungry stomach, cut the lights on or provided one with fresh water. 
 
More important for communist is Lenin's political response to imperialism. 
During the development of all the economic and social contradictions of 
bourgeois property, imperialism always advance towards war as a solution while the 
workers - no matter what their stratification, always move towards revolution. 
 
This is so because bourgeois property hits material barriers to its 
reproduction cycles and is compelled to destroy commodities and productive forces in 
order to reproduce them for profit. The bourgeois property relations cannot just 
give you a clean glass of water but must sell it to you because the system is 
based on the buying and selling of labor power and making a profit. 
 
It is a radical misconception to understand the resistance in Iraq to world 
imperialism as a "national liberation struggle" or a question of "self 
determination."  The "Coalition of the Willing" - led by our imperial bourgeoisie, is 
nothing less than a "United Front" of world imperialism with deep roots in the 
old bourgeois regime of Iraq itself. 

Iraq is not a repeat of Vietnam. The era we in is very different as is the 
world political polarity and class formations. 
 
The tactical errors of the imperial bourgeoisie are profoundly subjective. 
The strategic error of the imperial bourgeoisie is that of all dying and 
decaying classes - they have hit a historical barrier that can never be shattered. 
History precludes this. In America we need to understand the Civil War, because 
in theory the Slave Oligarchy could have save itself. Ideology is important 
and the ideology of a ruling class teaches it and trains it to view society and 
civilization form the standpoint that it embodies civilization and its demise 
means the end of humanity itself. 
 
We have not reached the "end of history." Rather the end of the history of 
property is drawing to a close and all the garbled talk about "God and Country" 
does not change the fact. 
 
The most that can happen in a historical sense is that the imperial state 
itself begins decay and this decay is manifest as a fundamental split and 
contains its own logic and development. At first this historical split (historical 
because it is characteristic of all ruling classes and cliques) appears as a 
spilt over policy and ends in a section of the ruling class and state . . . and 
then . . . at a certain stage . . . going over to the side of the social 
revolution. 
 
The genius of Lenin can guide of through the entire social process. The 
dangers of revolution increases even more the efforts which the imperialist make in 
order to escape, by means of war, from the historical impasse into which they 
have been forced. This impasse threatens the ruin of the earth itself. Does 
this mean that communist workers renounce revolution? It is impossible to 
detach oneself from the development of objective contradictions which express the 
development of human history, as it is driven by changes in the material power 
of production - the technological regime. 
 
Yet we have inherited certain ideological concepts that need to be 
overthrown, defeated, condemned and suppressed within the Marxist movement. We have to 
explain the "Peace Movement" different and on the basis of this era and not the 
doctrine of the past era. The form of the "Peace Movement" looks like the 
historic movement for peace because the form of a "thing" always - by definition, 
lags behind the content changes which serves as the basis for a movement to 
leap to a qualitatively new basis. 
 
The development and extension of the revolutionary movement, while 
accentuating the subjective desire and designs of the imperialist for war everywhere, at 
the same time raises the objective possibility of unleashing the war on a 
planetary scale. To fail to understand the dialectic of this process today means 
renouncing communism and the teaching of Marx . . . to renounce revolution. We 
cannot renounce social revolution because it is already underway and nothing 
can stay the hand of the technological advance. 
 
In the last period we waged the most ruthless and persistent battle against 
the Revisionist in the Soviet Union over placing peace as the enter of the 
communist program. This was correct because it meant subordinating ones activity 
by entering into unstable and deceptive agreements with the imperialists under 
the banner of saying the world from nuclear destruction. During the last era 
the political polarity between Soviet Power and bourgeois property stayed the 
hands of the imperialist, not withstanding the extreme stupidity and betrayal 
of the revisionists and the Peace Movement was basically understood as a petty 
bourgeois movement. 
 
Today the peace movement has to be understood on the basis of society leaping 
- in transition to, a new political form and the struggle for Peace is an 
important battle front of the impending communist revolution. It's petty 
bourgeois ideological character will be shattered to the degree that we do our jobs 
and explain with sober logic the economic impulse of imperial wars. Screaming 
"capitalism" is useless. We are talking about the bourgeois property relations 
and the role of property in human history. We are going to explain this in a 
thousand and one different ways. 

Our job is very subjective and the idea that we communist workers are 
economic determinist is the insane thinking of the ideologue. Our subjective task - 
teaching the workers the basis of modern war and its economic impulse is what 
changes the form of the Peace Movement. 
 
To a degree Bush W. is doing this for us with his naked and open lusting for 
private profits. It is not enough to talk about "stealing someone else oil." 
 
What is being stated is that once society is under transition to a new mode 
of production our task is entirely subjective. Our objective skills as leaders 
on various fronts allows us the latitude to teach and train the workers in the 
methods of Lenin. Leninism was born of war and revolution and we should never 
forget this. 
 
Let us understand our place in history and the subjective framework of the 
leading sections of the proletariat and the historic training of the Soviet 
proletariat. When our bourgeoisie attacked Iraq with its imperial Christian troops 
- who delight in sodomizing men and raping young boys and women, a peace 
movement erupted in Russia and the rest of the world. In Russia thousands of 
people protesting carried gas cans to indicate that war is not necessary. Of course 
this was the initial stage of this antiwar movement but what was being 
expressed was a social attitude and the nuclear psychosis sowed by the revisionist 
dating back to that puny buffoon Khrushchev - who should have been jailed for 
his crimes against the Soviet proletariat and the worlds people. 
 
We are the only ones that can change the ideological form of the movement. 
Communists in America are unwilling to give our imperial bourgeoisie one liter 
of oil. The peoples of America see the social situation different. We earnestly 
desire their removal from power and work towards that goal. 
 
In respects to the old Soviet proletariat and modern bourgeois Russia, a 
peculiar situation has emerged on the world stage with the dissolution of the 
political antagonism between Soviet Power and bourgeois America. We need to 
overthrow all petty bourgeois concepts of social revolution and "bottom up" petty 
bourgeois theories of democracy. World imperialism must split its forces to 
contain Russia because she possess the only truly nuclear military deterrent to 
bourgeois America. 
 
More importantly the second edition of the October Revolution is historically 
inevitable and part of this period of transition to world revolution and 
world communism. 
 
The structure of modern industrial society - in transition, is such that 
revolution and insurrection with not and cannot take place like it was 1917. 
Society is more complex today and no one in their right mind would advocate 
revolutionaries seizing the Post Offices or train stations as primary to 
insurrection. 
 
What is being stated is the spilt within the Russian State and its evolution 
in response to imperial encirclement means the state agencies are going to 
become highly polarized and go over to the side of revolution because they 
possess the knowledge and strategy to halt the imperial advance. It is fantasy to 
conceive of "the workers" running into the streets and somehow - magically, we 
communist end up with state power. No, Comrades. We win the Vanguard - forward 
moving section of the proletariat in conflict with the state, over to the side 
of communism and on this basis the polarized state structures go over to our 
side. 
 
The anti-Sovietism of the past period merges with our historic imperial 
anti-Russianism (under the guise of criticizing the bourgeois Putin) when it does 
not distinguish and outline the actual revolutionary process. 

What is being stated is that the political heritage of Marxmail makes it 
impossible to even open up a real discussion about world events outside of rotten 
ideology. The proof is in the archives. 
 
The new features of an era are slowly coming into focus and the war in Iraqi 
has flushed them into the open for communist workers to see and consolidate 
our line of march along the communist class. 
 
The idea that we are going to magically defeat the modern intelligence 
agencies is a form of insanity and conceiving the impossible. Our profound clarity 
and intense power of observation is why people are going to listen and follow. 
Lenin recruited the vanguard to the cause of communism in the course of a 
twenty-five year campaign. 
 
This was not meant to be an "International Report" but the situation with the 
Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea is dangerous. What would your strategy 
be if you labored at the height of its military establishment? Screaming about 
"Stalinist regimes" and "bottom up democracy" is just another form of petty 
bourgeois hate. What would you do? 

Surrender? 

We of course do not surrender . . . what we do is die. Surrender is not an 
option for the proletariat in power. The proletariat in power means the basis of 
reproduction is not governed by the law peculiar to bourgeois property . . . 
no matter what the political forms of life. 

We are in a dangerous environment but we cannot renounce revolution. The 
first nuclear strike from the DPRK would be against imperial/bestial Japan. The 
DPRK behaves as if it is in a life and death situation because the Bush W. 
administration has in fact stated publicly this is how matters stand. 
 
Once the imperial bourgeoisie understands that communist will retaliate with 
nuclear arms then their hand will be stayed. We are not talking about "who 
will blink first." We are saying that the transition to a new mode of production 
and the abolish of property is going to take place or the earth will not 
exists. 
 
China is hitting the wall economically but still possess the state structures 
and history to contain and "kneecap" - if necessary, its bourgeoisie. China 
seeks to defeat its military encirclement by our imperial bourgeoisie, who in 
return are seeking another level of unity with capital in Russia and China. Our 
bourgeoisie faces "over reach" in a fundamental way. 
 
The Western hemisphere is in turmoil and the lesson of Haiti should not be 
lost. Leaders are forced into "certain" events and political positions under the 
pressure of bourgeois property. We simply cannot say in advance "who" is 
going to go "what way." Modern society polarizes at the top and split. The state 
polarizes and splits - turn in on itself, as the result of being battered by 
the propertyless masses. 
 
Comrades and friends, there are times when we communist workers cannot talk 
to our audience as if we are children unaware of history and its lessons. Nor 
are we ideologues sprouting slogans and petty bourgeois nonsense. Circumstances 
dictate - from time to time, we speak in military terms our workers can 
understand. 
 
Mother Africa presents itself as a complexity that is not ignored but not the 
front of struggle at this moment. She is being drawn into the world 
revolutionary process as bourgeois property attempts to do the impossible. All classes  
. . . and all of us . . . are trapped by the spontaneous changes in the 
material power of production. 

 
Peace 
 
 
Melvin P.  
 




More information about the Marxism mailing list