[Marxism] German radicals prefer Nader

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Tue Nov 2 07:02:05 MST 2004


Germany says "nein" to Bush, blah to Kerry
German leftists prefer Nader, fear Kerry's grand plans for Iraq, and 
miss the days when America was actually cool.

- - - - - - - - - - - -
By Andrew O'Hehir

Salon.com

Nov. 1, 2004  |  HAMBURG, Germany -- George W. Bush and John Kerry were 
certainly on everyone's mind as the German left held a major conference 
in this green and prosperous port city on the eve of the United States 
presidential election. But neither major candidate will exactly be 
feeling the love from the 300-plus delegates who assembled at the 
University of Hamburg on a gray and drizzly weekend for the fourth 
annual meeting of Attac Germany, the largest branch of Attac, a 
pan-European coalition of antiwar and anti-corporate activists.

It would have been shocking had anyone at this conference, assembled 
under the slogan "Die Welt ist keine Ware" ("The World Is Not for 
Sale"), expressed support for Bush or the Iraq war, which is more 
unpopular than ever in the nations Donald Rumsfeld immortally dubbed 
"Old Europe." (That phrase became the text of a hot German bumper 
sticker for much of 2003, one Hamburg host told American visitors.) A 
recent poll in the online edition of Der Spiegel could only find 4 
percent of Germans willing to back the president, and that magazine 
represents a far more mainstream position than Attac does. Bush's 
support may actually be a little higher in France -- a whopping 20 
percent or so, according to the newspaper Le Figaro -- despite 
Republicans' unremitting demonization of the Gallic nation.

But the "Anyone but Bush" sentiment so prevalent in the American left 
this year does not translate well in German, it seems. Kerry is viewed 
here with tremendous suspicion, largely because of his promise to inject 
still more troops into the Iraq sinkhole. Differences between the two 
candidates seem less stark to Europeans, who are understandably not so 
concerned with U.S. domestic issues (although many have heard about the 
PATRIOT Act, which to some Germans seems uncomfortably like a law from 
their grandparents' generation). Furthermore, Kerry's election would 
pose peculiar problems for both the German activist left and the 
center-left government of Chancellor Gerhard Schröder.

There were huge antiwar marches in most European cities before the U.S. 
invasion of Iraq, but the war has faded into the background as a 
political issue, at least in France and Germany, since the end of major 
combat. (This is less true in Britain and Italy, the only two major 
European nations with troops remaining in Iraq.) A John Kerry presidency 
would likely change that.

"John Kerry wants to build an international coalition and bring European 
troops into Iraq, or so we are told," says Oliver Moldenhauer, a 30ish, 
ponytailed physicist and leading Attac organizer. Leaders like Schröder 
and French president Jacques Chirac will have a difficult time saying no 
to Kerry, he surmises, but they will face enormous opposition at home. 
"This is going to restart the European antiwar movement and give 
Schröder and Chirac all sorts of problems they don't have now. You have 
to wonder what they are thinking -- do they secretly want Bush to win, 
despite what they say in public?"

Attac had invited activists from various nations, including South 
Africa, the Dominican Republic and the United States, to participate in 
discussions, and the American delegate was the subject of considerable 
attention. (Full disclosure: That American visitor, Leslie Kauffman of 
United for Peace and Justice, is my wife.) Whether at the official press 
conference, in a panel discussion or in informal conversation, German 
journalists and activists repeatedly asked why the American left is not 
supporting Ralph Nader, whose policies sound so much better than Kerry's.

The answer to this question, especially the part about a 
non-parliamentary, winner-take-all political system that demands 
fundamental compromises, was received with polite Teutonic silence. But 
when the American delegate further explained that the U.S. left's nearly 
unanimous support for Kerry should not be understood as a glowing 
endorsement of the Massachusetts senator, but rather as a reflection of 
the urgent necessity of toppling what Germans call the "Bush Reich," she 
was interrupted with extended applause.

Even in the avowedly left-wing, internationalist Attac conference, there 
was almost no angry anti-American dogma on display. When people discuss 
their sense that the United States has become a danger to world peace, 
or that America has become less democratic as Europe has become more so, 
their language is almost apologetic. One conference organizer explains 
privately that Attac tries to monitor anti-American rhetoric among its 
members. "We find that the people who are the most anti-American are 
also the most anti-German, the most anti-state, the angriest and least 
productive," he says. "It's fundamentally an immature philosophy."

In a late-night conversation at a bar in St. Pauli, the city's agreeably 
funky and diverse arts ghetto, Moldenhauer speaks movingly about how his 
father's activist generation, the European rebels of 1968, 
simultaneously loved America and hated its policies. They fought against 
the Vietnam War and American imperialism, he says, but felt inspired by 
American activism, American youth culture, the romance and promise of a 
young country's broad skies and open horizons. Young Germans today, he 
thinks, are far more skeptical about the U.S. and far more focused on 
the internal dramas of the European Union, the new superpower emerging 
as America's major competitor and (at least potentially) its ideological 
counterweight.

Most of Attac's conference, in fact, was concerned with internal 
organizational politics, or focused on organizing efforts to fight 
against neoliberal economic reforms and social cutbacks within the E.U. 
But George W. Bush, nonetheless, hung over the proceedings like an 
unacknowledged specter. Over and over again, people politely approached 
us with things they had heard or read but did not believe could be true: 
Was it really possible that sex education and the teaching of evolution 
were hot political issues? Could gay rights and abortion really divide 
the electorate? (Gay marriage actually remains a contested question in 
Germany, but homosexuality per se is widely tolerated.) How could it be 
that Ohio and Florida will decide the election, and other states don't 
matter?

What is obvious, but left largely unspoken, is that Germans are 
bewildered by how close the election is, given the enormous damage the 
Bush administration has done to America's international standing. 
Furthermore, as Moldenhauer and others observed, the belligerent 
American flag-waving of the post-9/11 era is deeply troubling in a 
nation where patriotic and nationalistic display has been politically 
unacceptable since 1945.

Americans are justifiably sensitive about Europeans' snootiness and air 
of cultural superiority. But what came across instead, on this gray 
weekend in a city the Allies bombed to rubble in 1943 (killing 40,000 
people, most of them women and children) was more like sadness and 
disappointment. It was as if the Germans wanted to tell us that they had 
always thought we were cooler than them: We were more optimistic, had a 
more open society, had better music, better haircuts, cooler cars, a 
better democracy. We had Elvis and Bobby Kennedy and Martin Luther King 
Jr. But they're long dead, the Civil Rights movement has become a 
licensed Coca-Cola product, and the rest of that list doesn't look so 
clear now either. (We're definitely a distant second when it comes to 
cars.) As we go to the polls on Tuesday the Germans are watching 
anxiously, wondering if this is really the best we can do.

-- 
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