[Marxism] There is a precedent for the Bush Project, but it's not fascism

James Daly james.irldaly at ntlworld.com
Tue Nov 9 16:11:52 MST 2004

There is a precedent for the Bush Project, but it's not fascism

by George Monbiot

Published in the Guardian (November 09 2004)

"If Bush wins", the US writer Barbara Probst Solomon claimed just before the 
election, "fascism is possible in the United States". <1>  Blind faith in a 
leader, she said, a conservative working class, and the use of fear as a 
political weapon provide the necessary preconditions.

She's wrong. So is Richard Sennett, who described Bush's security state as 
"soft fascism" in the Guardian last month. <2>  So is the endless traffic on 
the internet. In The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert Paxton persuasively 
describes it as "... a form of political behavior marked by obsessive 
preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood, and by 
compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity". <3>  It is hard to read 
Republican politics in these terms. Fascism recruited the elite, but it did 
not come from the elite. It relied on hysterical popular excitement: 
something which no one could accuse George Bush of provoking.

But this is not to say that the Bush project is unprecedented. It is, in 
fact, a repetition of quite another ideology. If we don't understand it, we 
have no hope of confronting it.

Puritanism is perhaps the least-understood of any political movement in 
European history. In popular mythology it is reduced to a joyless cult of 
self-denial, obsessed by stripping churches and banning entertainment: a 
perception which removes it as far as possible from the conspicuous 
consumption of Republican America. But Puritanism was the product of an 
economic transformation.

In England in the first half of the 17th Century, the remnants of the feudal 
state performed a role analagous to that of social democracy in the second 
half of the 20th. It was run, of course, in the interests of the monarchy 
and clergy. But it also regulated the economic exploitation of the lower 
orders. As R H Tawney observed in Religion and the Rise of Capitalism 
(1926), Charles 1st sought to nationalise industries, control foreign 
exchange and prosecute lords who evicted peasants from the land, employers 
who refused to pay the full wage, and magistrates who failed to give relief 
to the poor. <4>

But this model was no longer viable. Over the preceding 150 years, "the rise 
of commercial companies, no longer local, but international" led in Europe 
to "a concentration of financial power on a scale unknown before" and "the 
subjection of the collegiate industrial organization of the Middle Ages to a 
new money-power". The economy was "swept forward by an immense expansion of 
commerce and finance, rather than of industry". The kings and princes of 
Europe had become "puppets dancing on wires" held by the financiers. <5>

In England the dissolution of the monasteries had catalysed a massive 
seizure of wealth by a new commercial class. They began by grabbing 
("enclosing") the land and shaking out its inhabitants. This generated a 
mania for land speculation, which in turn led to the creation of 
sophisticated financial markets, experimenting in futures, arbitrage and 
almost all the vices we now associate with the Age of Enron.

All this was furiously denounced by the early theologists of the English 
Reformation. The first Puritans preached that men should be charitable, 
encourage justice and punish exploitation. This character persisted through 
the 17th Century among the settlers of New England. But in the old country 
it didn't stand a chance.

Puritanism was primarily the religion of the new commercial classes. It 
attracted traders, money lenders, bankers and industrialists. Calvin had 
given them what the old order could not: a theological justification of 
commerce. Capitalism, in his teachings, was not unchristian, but could be 
used for the glorification of God. From his doctrine of individual 
purification, the late Puritans forged a new theology.

At its heart was an "idealization of personal responsibility" before God. 
This rapidly turned into "a theory of individual rights" in which "the 
traditional scheme of Christian virtues was almost exactly reversed".  By 
the mid-17th Century, most English Puritans saw in poverty "not a misfortune 
to be pitied and relieved, but a moral failing to be condemned, and in 
riches, not an object of suspicion ... but the blessing which rewards the 
triumph of energy and will". <6>

It wasn't hard for them to make this leap. If the Christian life, as 
idealised by both Calvin and Luther, was to concentrate on the direct 
contact of the individual soul with God, then society, of the kind perceived 
and protected by the medieval Church, becomes redundant. "Individualism in 
religion led ... to an individualist morality, and an individualist morality 
to a disparagement of the significance of the social fabric". <7>

To this the late Puritans added another concept. They conflated their 
religious calling with their commercial one. "Next to the saving of his 
soul", the preacher Richard Steele wrote in 1684, the tradesman's "care and 
business is to serve God in his calling, and to drive it as far as it will 
go". <8>  Success in business became a sign of spiritual grace: providing 
proof to the entrepreneur, in Steele's words, that "God has blessed his 
trade".  The next step follows automatically. The Puritan minister Joseph 
Lee anticipated Adam Smith's invisible hand by more than a century, when he 
claimed that "the advancement of private persons will be the advantage of 
the public". <9>  By private persons, of course, he meant the men of 
property, who were busily destroying the advancement of everyone else.

Tawney describes the Puritans as early converts to "administrative 
nihilism": the doctrine we now call the minimal state. "Business affairs", 
they believed, "should be left to be settled by business men, unhampered by 
the intrusions of an antiquated morality". <10>  They owed nothing to 
anyone. Indeed, they formulated a radical new theory of social obligation, 
which maintained that helping the poor created idleness and spiritual 
dissolution, divorcing them from God.

Of course, the Puritans differed from Bush's people in that they worshipped 
production but not consumption. But this is just a different symptom of the 
same disease. Tawney characterises the late Puritans as people who believed 
that "the world exists not to be enjoyed, but to be conquered. Only its 
conqueror deserves the name of Christian."

There were some, such as the Levellers and the Diggers, who remained true to 
the original spirit of the Reformation, but they were violently suppressed. 
The pursuit of adulterers and sodomites provided an ideal distraction for 
the increasingly impoverished lower classes.

Ronan Bennett's excellent new novel, Havoc in Its Third Year, about a 
Puritan revolution in the 1630s, has the force of a parable. <11>  An 
obsession with terrorists (in this case Irish and Jesuit), homosexuality and 
sexual licence, the vicious chastisement of moral deviance, the 
disparagement of public support for the poor: swap the black suits for grey 
ones, and the characters could have walked out of Bush's America.

So why has this ideology resurfaced in 2004?  Because it has to. The 
enrichment of the elite and impoverishment of the lower classes requires a 
justifying ideology if it is to be sustained. In the United States this 
ideology has to be a religious one. Bush's government is forced back to the 
doctrines of Puritanism as an historical necessity. If we are to understand 
what it's up to, we must look not to the 1930s, but to the 1630s.



1.  Quoted by Quico Alsedo, 27th October 2004. "El Fascismo Es Posible Si 
Gana Bush" Dice Probst Salomon (sic). El Mundo.

2.  Richard Sennett, 23rd October 2004. The Age of Anxiety. The Guardian.

3.  Robert O Paxton, 2004. The Anatomy of Fascism. Alfred A. Knopf, New 

4.  R H Tawney, 1998 edition. Religion and the Rise of Capitalism. 
Transaction publishers, New Brunswick.

5.  ibid.

6.  ibid.

7.  ibid.

8.  Richard Steele, 1684. The Tradesman's Calling. Cited in Tawney (ibid).

9.  Joseph Lee, cited in Tawney, ibid.

10. Tawney, ibid.

11. Ronan Bennett, 2004. Havoc in its Third Year. Bloomsbury, London.


Bill Totten     http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/

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