[Marxism] There is a precedent for the Bush Project, but it's not fascism
james.irldaly at ntlworld.com
Tue Nov 9 16:11:52 MST 2004
There is a precedent for the Bush Project, but it's not fascism
by George Monbiot
Published in the Guardian (November 09 2004)
"If Bush wins", the US writer Barbara Probst Solomon claimed just before the
election, "fascism is possible in the United States". <1> Blind faith in a
leader, she said, a conservative working class, and the use of fear as a
political weapon provide the necessary preconditions.
She's wrong. So is Richard Sennett, who described Bush's security state as
"soft fascism" in the Guardian last month. <2> So is the endless traffic on
the internet. In The Anatomy of Fascism, Robert Paxton persuasively
describes it as "... a form of political behavior marked by obsessive
preoccupation with community decline, humiliation or victimhood, and by
compensatory cults of unity, energy and purity". <3> It is hard to read
Republican politics in these terms. Fascism recruited the elite, but it did
not come from the elite. It relied on hysterical popular excitement:
something which no one could accuse George Bush of provoking.
But this is not to say that the Bush project is unprecedented. It is, in
fact, a repetition of quite another ideology. If we don't understand it, we
have no hope of confronting it.
Puritanism is perhaps the least-understood of any political movement in
European history. In popular mythology it is reduced to a joyless cult of
self-denial, obsessed by stripping churches and banning entertainment: a
perception which removes it as far as possible from the conspicuous
consumption of Republican America. But Puritanism was the product of an
In England in the first half of the 17th Century, the remnants of the feudal
state performed a role analagous to that of social democracy in the second
half of the 20th. It was run, of course, in the interests of the monarchy
and clergy. But it also regulated the economic exploitation of the lower
orders. As R H Tawney observed in Religion and the Rise of Capitalism
(1926), Charles 1st sought to nationalise industries, control foreign
exchange and prosecute lords who evicted peasants from the land, employers
who refused to pay the full wage, and magistrates who failed to give relief
to the poor. <4>
But this model was no longer viable. Over the preceding 150 years, "the rise
of commercial companies, no longer local, but international" led in Europe
to "a concentration of financial power on a scale unknown before" and "the
subjection of the collegiate industrial organization of the Middle Ages to a
new money-power". The economy was "swept forward by an immense expansion of
commerce and finance, rather than of industry". The kings and princes of
Europe had become "puppets dancing on wires" held by the financiers. <5>
In England the dissolution of the monasteries had catalysed a massive
seizure of wealth by a new commercial class. They began by grabbing
("enclosing") the land and shaking out its inhabitants. This generated a
mania for land speculation, which in turn led to the creation of
sophisticated financial markets, experimenting in futures, arbitrage and
almost all the vices we now associate with the Age of Enron.
All this was furiously denounced by the early theologists of the English
Reformation. The first Puritans preached that men should be charitable,
encourage justice and punish exploitation. This character persisted through
the 17th Century among the settlers of New England. But in the old country
it didn't stand a chance.
Puritanism was primarily the religion of the new commercial classes. It
attracted traders, money lenders, bankers and industrialists. Calvin had
given them what the old order could not: a theological justification of
commerce. Capitalism, in his teachings, was not unchristian, but could be
used for the glorification of God. From his doctrine of individual
purification, the late Puritans forged a new theology.
At its heart was an "idealization of personal responsibility" before God.
This rapidly turned into "a theory of individual rights" in which "the
traditional scheme of Christian virtues was almost exactly reversed". By
the mid-17th Century, most English Puritans saw in poverty "not a misfortune
to be pitied and relieved, but a moral failing to be condemned, and in
riches, not an object of suspicion ... but the blessing which rewards the
triumph of energy and will". <6>
It wasn't hard for them to make this leap. If the Christian life, as
idealised by both Calvin and Luther, was to concentrate on the direct
contact of the individual soul with God, then society, of the kind perceived
and protected by the medieval Church, becomes redundant. "Individualism in
religion led ... to an individualist morality, and an individualist morality
to a disparagement of the significance of the social fabric". <7>
To this the late Puritans added another concept. They conflated their
religious calling with their commercial one. "Next to the saving of his
soul", the preacher Richard Steele wrote in 1684, the tradesman's "care and
business is to serve God in his calling, and to drive it as far as it will
go". <8> Success in business became a sign of spiritual grace: providing
proof to the entrepreneur, in Steele's words, that "God has blessed his
trade". The next step follows automatically. The Puritan minister Joseph
Lee anticipated Adam Smith's invisible hand by more than a century, when he
claimed that "the advancement of private persons will be the advantage of
the public". <9> By private persons, of course, he meant the men of
property, who were busily destroying the advancement of everyone else.
Tawney describes the Puritans as early converts to "administrative
nihilism": the doctrine we now call the minimal state. "Business affairs",
they believed, "should be left to be settled by business men, unhampered by
the intrusions of an antiquated morality". <10> They owed nothing to
anyone. Indeed, they formulated a radical new theory of social obligation,
which maintained that helping the poor created idleness and spiritual
dissolution, divorcing them from God.
Of course, the Puritans differed from Bush's people in that they worshipped
production but not consumption. But this is just a different symptom of the
same disease. Tawney characterises the late Puritans as people who believed
that "the world exists not to be enjoyed, but to be conquered. Only its
conqueror deserves the name of Christian."
There were some, such as the Levellers and the Diggers, who remained true to
the original spirit of the Reformation, but they were violently suppressed.
The pursuit of adulterers and sodomites provided an ideal distraction for
the increasingly impoverished lower classes.
Ronan Bennett's excellent new novel, Havoc in Its Third Year, about a
Puritan revolution in the 1630s, has the force of a parable. <11> An
obsession with terrorists (in this case Irish and Jesuit), homosexuality and
sexual licence, the vicious chastisement of moral deviance, the
disparagement of public support for the poor: swap the black suits for grey
ones, and the characters could have walked out of Bush's America.
So why has this ideology resurfaced in 2004? Because it has to. The
enrichment of the elite and impoverishment of the lower classes requires a
justifying ideology if it is to be sustained. In the United States this
ideology has to be a religious one. Bush's government is forced back to the
doctrines of Puritanism as an historical necessity. If we are to understand
what it's up to, we must look not to the 1930s, but to the 1630s.
1. Quoted by Quico Alsedo, 27th October 2004. "El Fascismo Es Posible Si
Gana Bush" Dice Probst Salomon (sic). El Mundo.
2. Richard Sennett, 23rd October 2004. The Age of Anxiety. The Guardian.
3. Robert O Paxton, 2004. The Anatomy of Fascism. Alfred A. Knopf, New
4. R H Tawney, 1998 edition. Religion and the Rise of Capitalism.
Transaction publishers, New Brunswick.
8. Richard Steele, 1684. The Tradesman's Calling. Cited in Tawney (ibid).
9. Joseph Lee, cited in Tawney, ibid.
10. Tawney, ibid.
11. Ronan Bennett, 2004. Havoc in its Third Year. Bloomsbury, London.
Bill Totten http://www.ashisuto.co.jp/english/
This email was cleaned by emailStripper, available for free from
More information about the Marxism