[Marxism] May Day in books (Leo Panitch)
rfidler at cyberus.ca
Sat Apr 30 08:26:40 MDT 2005
What you need to know about May Day
by Leo Panitch
[scanned from the Books section of The Globe and Mail, Toronto, April
For more than 100 years, May Day has symbolized the common struggles of
workers around the globe. Why is it largely ignored in North America?
The answer lies in part in American labour's long repression of its own
radical past, out of which international May Day was actually born a
The seeds were sown in the campaign for the eight-hour work day. On May
1, 1886, hundreds of thou-sands of North American workers mobilized to
strike. In Chicago, the demonstration spilled over into support for
workers at a major farm-implements factory who'd been locked out for
union activities. On May 3, during a pitched battle between picketers
and scabs, police shot two workers. At a protest rally in Haymarket
Square the next day, a bomb was tossed into the police ranks and police
directed their fire indiscriminately at the crowd. Eight anarchist
leaders were arrest-ed, tried and sentenced to death (three were later
These events triggered international protests, and in 1889, the first
congress of the new socialist parties associated with the Second
International (the successor to the First International organized by
Karl Marx in the 1860s) called on workers everywhere to join in an
annual one-day strike on May 1-- not so much to demand specific reforms
as an annual demonstration of labour solidarity and working-class power.
May Day was both a product of, and an element in, the rapid growth of
new mass working-class parties of Europe -- which soon forced official
recognition by employers and governments of this "workers' holiday."
But the American Federation of Labor, chastened by the "red scare" that
followed the Haymarket events, went along with those who opposed May Day
observances. Instead, in 1894, the AFL embraced president Grover
Cleveland's decree that the first Monday of September would be the
annual Labor Day. The Canadian government of Sir Robert Thompson enacted
identical Labour Day legislation a month later.
Ever since, May Day and Labour Day have represented in North America the
two faces of working-class political tradition, one symbolizing its
revolutionary potential, the other its long search for reform and
respectability. With the support of the state and business, the latter
has predominated — but the more radical tradition has never been
This radical May Day tradition is nowhere better captured than in Bryan
Palmer's monumental book, Cultures of Darkness: Night Travels in the
Histories of Transgression [From Medieval to Modern] (Monthly Review
Press, 2000). Palmer, one of Canada's foremost Marxist labour
historians, has done more than anyone to recover and analyze the
cultures of resistance that working people developed in practising class
struggle from below. He's strongly critical of labour-movement leaders
who've appealed to those elements of working-class culture that crave
ersatz bourgeois respectability.
Set amid chapters on peasants and witches in late feudalism, on pirates
and slaves during the rise of mercantile imperialism, on fraternal lodge
members and anarchists in the new cities of industrial capitalism, on
lesbians, homosexuals and communists under fascism, and on the mafia,
youth gangs and race riots, jazz, beats and bohemians in modern U.S.
capitalism, are two chapters that brilliantly tell the story of May Day.
One locates Haymarket in the context of the Victorian bourgeoisie's
fears of what they called the "dangerous classes." This account confirms
the central role of the "anarcho-communist movement in Chicago [which]
was blessed with talented leaders, dedicated ranks and the most active
left-wing press in the country. The dangerous classes were becoming
The other chapter, a survey of "Festivals of Revolution," locates "the
celebratory May Day, a festive seizure of working-class initiative that
encompassed demands for shorter hours, improvement in conditions, and
socialist agitation and organization" against the backdrop of the
traditional spring calendar of class confrontation.
Over the past century communist revolutions were made in the name of the
working class, and social democratic parties were often elected into
government. In their different ways, both turned May Day to the purposes
of the state. Before the 20th century was out the communist regimes
imploded in internal contradictions between authoritarianism and the
democratic purpose of socialism, while most social democratic ones,
trapped in the internal contradictions between the welfare state and
increasingly powerful capital markets, accommodated to neo-liberalism
and become openly disdainful of "old labour."
As for the United States, the tragic legacy of the repression of its
radical labour past is an increasingly de-unionized working class
mobilized by fundamentalist Christian churches. Canada, with its NDP and
30-per-cent unionized labour force, looks good by comparison.
Working classes have suffered defeat after defeat in this era of
capitalist globalization. But they're also in the process of being
transformed: The decimated industrial proletariat of the global North is
being replaced by a bigger industrial proletariat in the global South.
In both regions, a new working class is still being formed in the new
service and communication sectors spawned by global capitalism (where
the eight-hour day is often unknown). Union movements and workers'
parties from Poland to Korea to South Africa to Brazil have been spawned
in the past 20 years. Two more book out of Monthly Review Press --
Ursula Hum's The Making of a Cybertariat (2003) and the late Daniel
Singer's Whose Millennium? Theirs or Ours? (1999) — don't deal with May
Day per se, but capture particularly well this global economic and
political transformation. They tell much that is sober yet inspiring
about why May I still symbolizes the struggle for a future beyond
capitalism rather than just a homage to the struggles of the past.
Leo Panitch, Canada Research Chair in comparative political economy at
York University, is co-editor of The Socialist Register and author of
Renewing Socialise Democracy, Strategy and Imagination.
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