[Marxism] Irish Republicanism at the Crossroads

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Wed Aug 3 10:11:04 MDT 2005


Counterpunch, March 17, 2005
Irish Republicanism at the Crossroads
The St. Patrick's Day Coup

By ALEXANDER BILLET

Gerry Adams used to represent high hopes for the people of Northern 
Ireland. In the 80s, he was the most outspoken and charismatic leader 
calling for a free and unified Ireland, a constant thorn in the side of 
Margaret Thatcher and other defenders of the British Empire. In the 90s, 
his willingness to back the peace process made him a mainstream hero as well.

Now, seven years since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Adams is 
being treated like he ordered a black and tan in a Belfast pub. The Sinn 
Fein president is coming under increasing pressure to separate from the 
Irish Republican Army after the killing of Robert McCartney, a Catholic 
father of two from Derry, which involved senior members of the IRA. Sinn 
Fein has long been considered the political wing of the IRA, with both 
organizations working together in order to free the North from British rule 
and join the rest of Ireland in a unified republic. The slaying of 
McCartney, along with the robbery of the Northern Bank in December 
attributed to the IRA, has meant that both branches are coming under huge 
public scrutiny among Irish citizens; North and South, Catholic and Protestant.

And it doesn't stop at Ireland's green shores either. In Adams' yearly St. 
Patrick's Day visit, George W. Bush has refused to meet with him, as have 
all politicians and public figures. Republican Senator George Mitchell, a 
main player in the negotiations that led to the Good Friday Agreement of 
1998, has also had harsh words for Adams and Sinn Fein. Even Ted Kennedy, a 
long-time figurehead for the Irish American community, jumped ship on 
Adams, citing "the IRA's ongoing criminal activity and contempt for the 
rule of law," as reasons.

For sure, the IRA's actions are inexcusable. But as for "the rule of law," 
one might want to look closely at what this new "law," has really meant for 
the people of Northern Ireland, in particular its long oppressed Catholic 
minority.

A Loaded Deck

Catholic and Protestant both celebrated the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. 
When then-President Bill Clinton visited to oversee negotiations and the 
subsequent signing of it, he was greeted with a large parade. With over 
thirty years of brutal violence during "the Troubles" behind them, Catholic 
and Protestant both were eager to grasp any sign of peace. The Agreement, 
along with its accompanying ceasefire between pro-British (Loyalist or 
Unionist) and Republican forces, was to formally end sectarian violence, 
and provide a way to relax Britain's rule with a Northern Ireland Assembly. 
It was also supposed to end the racist laws used by the British government 
to persecute Catholics and deny them political and civil rights, supposedly 
on behalf of the Protestant majority.

It proved to be an empty promise. Tony Blair caved almost any time there 
was unionist opposition, such as from David Trimble's racist Ulster 
Unionist Party. For example, when unionists argued that Northern Ireland 
secretary Mo Mowlam was too "pro-Catholic," Blair quickly sidelined her 
then removed her from that position in 2000. Any time there was opposition 
from the republican side, they were ignored. The loyalists were allowed 
time and again to derail the peace process, and the British government 
dragged its feet implementing many of the civil rights laws. Though the 
language seemed truly progressive on paper, the Blair government failed to 
translate any of it into practical measures to protect the rights of 
Catholics. Moreover, according to a Human Rights Watch report:

     "[R]ights groups criticized the [British] government for failing to 
bring the UK into compliance with existing international obligations in 
areas not directly addressed in the agreement. The continuation of 
draconian emergency laws intimidation of defense lawyers; allegations of 
security force collusion in loyalist paramilitary murders; routine police 
abuse; and the indiscriminate use of plastic bullets remained serious human 
rights concerns."

The report goes on to describe how less than six months after the signing 
of the Agreement, parliament passed a law which lessened the amount of 
evidence needed to convict someone for membership in an illegal 
organization. The new law now stated that as long as a senior police 
officer was able to name someone as a member of said organization, it was 
enough to put them away.

Sectarianism was not only not put down by the Agreement, one might say it 
was almost encouraged. The agreement allowed for the continuation of 
Catholic or Protestant only institutions such as schools. This, in essence, 
is like saying Jim Crow laws don't exist anymore but the "white only" signs 
can stay up. Meanwhile, Blair's spinelessness toward the unionists meant 
that he was unable to present the Agreement as a viable alternative to 
unionism and loyalism, and he failed to win significant sections of 
Protestants away from sectarian violence.

Catholics have suffered the brunt of a vast majority of attacks since the 
beginning of the ceasefire. Though there has been sporadic internal fights 
between separate republican groups, the IRA has for the most part obeyed 
the conditions of the ceasefire. But loyalist groups such as the Ulster 
Defense Association (UDA) or Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF), despite their 
official recognition of the ceasefire, have carried out several attacks 
with the intention of provoking republicans back into violence since the 
beginning of the Agreement. A brief list includes the following:

     July 4th, 2001- Cieran Cummings, a 19 year old Catholic man, is shot 
and killed on his way to work in County Antrim

     July 29th, 2001- An unnamed 18 year old male gunned down in front of a 
Catholic soccer club in north Belfast.

     July 29th, 2001- Gavin Brett, an 18 year old Protestant, is mistaken 
for a Catholic and shot dead

     September 28th, 2001- Martin O'Hagan, a journalist investigating 
possible links between loyalist groups and British security forces, is shot 
and killed outside his home in Lurgan, County Armagh

     January 3rd, 2002- William Moore Campbell, a 19 year old Protestant 
man, is blown up while constructing a pipe bomb in County Derry. According 
to the town's mayor, John Dallat, "the UDA has never been on ceasefire in 
this area. There have been well over 100 attacks in this area over the past 
two and a half years." That same night a bomb was thrown through a Catholic 
woman's window, sparking fear of a new wave of violence.

     January 12th, 2002- Daniel McColgan, a twenty year old Catholic postal 
worker is shot while on his route in north Belfast.

     July 22nd, 2002- Gerard Lawlor, a 19 year old Catholic man is shot and 
killed in a drive-by shooting. UDA leaders claim responsibility and call 
the death "regrettable" but refuse to apologize for or condemn it.

     November 2nd, 2002- Harry McCartan, a 23 year old Catholic man, is 
found nailed to a fence by his hands, "crucifixion style" in a field near 
the Protestant neighborhood of Seymour Hill in Belfast. He barely survives.

And this is only a sampling of the worst. There were plenty of other 
non-lethal attacks during this period. During the three month period from 
May to July 2002, for example, 363 non-lethal attacks were carried out by 
loyalist forces against Catholics, including 144 bombings, 25 shootings, 
and 43 personal assaults.

It is worth pointing out that there was violence coming from republican 
groups during this period. But mostly from dissident, non-IRA splinter 
groups, not the Provisional IRA, and not from groups that were observing 
the ceasefire. The UDA and UFF were, at least officially, observing the 
ceasefire. It is also worth pointing out that while Gerry Adams now faces 
public pressure to formally break with the IRA in light of the McCartney 
murder, this kind of pressure was never hiked up on the likes of Trimble, 
who throughout all this simply screamed that the IRA wasn't decommissioning 
its arms quickly enough, or demanded that Sinn Fein be kept out of the 
executive of the Assembly.

Little changed in the way that police, army or security forces conducted 
themselves in relation to these. Loyalist forces have been allowed to 
operate relatively unimpeded, if not directly aided by the authorities. A 
July 2002 British television documentary revealed that the British Army's 
Force Research Unit and the Special Branch of Northern Ireland's police 
force (then the Royal Ulster Constabulary, or RUC) supplied lists of names 
to Loyalist paramilitary groups, allowing the groups to carry out a slew of 
murders starting in 1989. One FRU officer, Ned Greer, was even allowed to 
be a member of the UDA and ascend the organization's ranks, even while his 
cell was orchestrating the deaths of at least six Catholics. To assume that 
the British government itself would simply about-face and remedy this kind 
of lop-sided corruption would be naïve.

Even when there was violence on the side of the republicans, it was 
manipulated in a cynical attempt to re-instigate violence between the two 
sides. On August 15th 1998 an IRA splinter group known as "the Real IRA" 
set off a bomb in Omagh, County Tyrone in symbolic protest of the Good 
Friday Agreement, killing 29 people. In December 2001 it was found that the 
RUC had received warnings of the bombing up to 11 days beforehand. These 
warnings went so far as to give the exact date and location of the bombing, 
yet the RUC did not release any details to the public, or anything to 
ensure the safety of the people of Omagh.

Catholics who were at risk of sectarian violence received little more than 
lip service. When a homemade bomb went off near a Catholic children's 
school in September 2001, most likely carried out by a loyalist group, many 
British politicians criticized Catholic parents for refusing to bring their 
children to school through the back door!

In short, Britain invited Catholics to the table to play cards, handed them 
a loaded deck, and then scolded them for not winning.

Living standards in Northern Ireland are relatively low for both sides. 
While there is a strong tradition of "Protestant privilege" that runs 
through Northern Irish society, the budget cuts and privatizations that 
were carried out directly following the Agreement have affected all 
workers, Catholic and Protestant. The discrimination against Catholics can 
only be seen as a divide and rule strategy, and republicanism, because it 
seeks to improve Catholics second-class status, presents a threat to that 
order.

The Bankrupt Opposition

Though how much of a threat is up for debate. Those same budget cuts 
weren't fought at all by Sinn Fein. This goes directly against what the 
party's supposed platform, seems to understand the connection between 
national liberation and economic justice for all workers in Northern 
Ireland. Their website still extols the need for "a 32 county workers 
republic." Indeed, their rhetoric has been quite radical over the years. 
But their role as "the political wing" of the struggle for a unified 
Ireland has meant they have been forced to make concessions time and again 
so as to not risk their chances of getting into and retaining office. Over 
the past several years, while participating in Northern Ireland's Assembly, 
they have retreated on a woman's right to choose, and lead the way for 
privatizing hospitals and schools. In the South, the party has been in 
negotiations with current Prime Minister Bertie Ahern's center-right Fianna 
Fail party about a possible coalition in the future. And when the 
possibility of water charges arose earlier this year, spokesperson for Sinn 
Fein Francie Malloy claimed that "they would have to be introduced."

Predictably, this has led to the party trying to distance itself from the 
IRA and armed struggle in general. Gerry Adams has been increasingly 
critical of militant action over the past decade, and most governments and 
mainstream media have heaped praise on him for this. But the time has never 
quite been right for Adams to completely break with the IRA. McCartney's 
murder has provided that golden opportunity. This is hardly Adams' effort 
to turn to a more effective strategy, such as mobilizing the Irish workers 
around key demands, but another concession in order to further legitimize 
Sinn Fein as a business-friendly party.

In other words, Sinn Fein has backed themselves into a corner by trying to 
play both sides. They have two choices; either abandon the IRA and continue 
swinging to the right, or defiantly scrap any hopes of entering into the 
government in favor of resuming guerrilla warfare (which would be an 
unpopular and laughable move seeing as how they have spent the past seven 
years praising the benefits of the Agreement).

This represents a fundamental contradiction in the philosophy of Irish 
Republicanism. Its inherent elitism leaves it unable to organize the 
majority of people around its demands. According to Irish writer and 
activist Kieran Allen:

     "They [republicans] share a fervent belief that the mass of people are 
fundamentally passive and that it requires a committed minority to achieve 
gains. This heroic myth of 1916 is drummed into every republican. The mass 
of Dublin workers were 'corrupted' by empire and only 'woken up' by the 
brave action of the martyrs."

Ever since before the Easter Uprising of 1916 (referred to above), 
republicans have rejected the idea of mass struggle. This is the backbone 
of Sinn Fein's electoral strategy and the IRA's militarism. After all, if 
they are two sides of the same coin, it makes sense that their tactics 
reflect each other.

The IRA, from its inception, has sought to foment struggle through 
conspiratorial means. Individual assassinations and car bombings (intended 
to carry the struggle forward) require intense secrecy. For that reason, 
they have never been accountable to the Catholic communities they are 
fighting on behalf of. In the 1970s, this meant that they were made out to 
be "protectors" of these communities. Says Eamonn McCann, an Irish 
socialist and founder of the 1960s civil rights movement:

     "The IRA may on occasion have given the community physical protection 
but it was never answerable or accountable to the community. It has 
sometimes styled itself as the 'people's army.' But it organizes and 
operates out of sight of the people It's members are oath-bound to give 
total allegiance to paramilitary chiefs who, far from finding validation in 
endorsement by the people, must keep their very identities hidden from the 
people."

This protector role, because of it's lack of accountability, has easily 
degenerated in times of low struggle into simply policing over the Catholic 
communities in order to enforce an authority over them. Youth are expected 
by IRA members to "show respect" and avoid "anti-social behavior" (a term 
being used by Blair right now to scapegoat teenagers of color in London).

"When there is no real struggle, paramilitary organizations become self 
serving," says Allen. "The have huge organizational resources- but little 
to fight for beyond periodic elections." This can result in tactics as 
varied as having interests in small capitalism such as taxi businesses or 
pubs, having ties to the FARC in Colombia, to engaging in bank robberies in 
Belfast. For these reasons, the IRA finds its support waning to its lowest 
level in 35 years.

Whither Northern Ireland?

Robert McCartney's sister put her finger on the problem when she contrasted 
the "Old IRA" with the "New IRA," but she doesn't see the connection 
between the elitism of both. What she does, however, speak to, is the need 
for a real solution in Northern Ireland.

Like an onion, this whole fiasco contains several layers.

On the first we have the opportunism of Bush and George Mitchell. Bush has 
invited the McCartney family to the White House in lieu of Adams, where, as 
Harry Browne points out, he will "try to convince them of the benefits of 
secret tribunals and capital punishment." This can't be seen as anything 
more than imperialist meddling on the part of Bush, Mitchell, Kennedy or 
anyone else. The administration that now occupies Iraq in the same manner 
that Britain occupies Northern Ireland cannot be taken seriously.

On the second layer we have Gerry Adams and Sinn Fein's sure shift to the 
right. Whether Sinn Fein will take this opportunity to legitimize itself 
and integrate into the world of capitalist rule. Adams should be defended 
against the kind of hand-forcing he is now experiencing from Bush and 
company, but Sinn Fein's neo-liberal agenda eliminates it as any kind of 
viable alternative for the people of Ireland.

The third and final layer presents us with the crux of the matter. What 
happens on the streets of Northern Ireland is the real question here. The 
IRA's guerrilla-turned-vigilante police squad tactics provide no way 
forward either.

The present crisis in Irish Republicanism presents questions for all people 
who seek liberation for Northern Ireland. That liberation will come not 
from elitism, be that the elitism of electoral opportunists or heavy-handed 
guerrilla tactics. Rather, it lies in defining the struggle along class 
lines, not religious ones. The Protestants may constitute a majority, but 
that majority is slim. The 2001 census found that 46% of Northern Irish are 
Catholic, and suggested that they may soon be the majority. The solution 
lies in the contradictions of an increasingly globalized society, where the 
bottom line is the only line that matters. Capitalism doesn't care whether 
a worker is Catholic or Protestant, it only cares about squeezing both to 
get the most out of them.

Right now that squeeze has taken its toll on both sides. Since the 
beginning of the Agreement, living standards and wages have fallen for both 
Catholic and Protestant, and this makes the potential for workers to see 
each other as allies even greater. The liberation of Northern Ireland is in 
the streets, but until those streets see every worker, both Catholic and 
Protestant, marching arm-in-arm for self-determination and against British 
control, both will remain in chains.

Alexander Billet is an actor, writer, and socialist living in Syracuse, NY. 
He is currently working on a production of Brian Friel's Freedom of the 
City, a play based on the Bloody Sunday massacre in Derry, 1972.

He can be reached at zen_marxist at hotmail.com

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