[Marxism] Jews and Anti-Semitism in America
Calvin Broadbent
calvinbroadbent at hotmail.com
Thu Oct 13 11:13:50 MDT 2005
http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0SOR/is_1_61/ai_61908763
How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America. - Book
Review
Sociology of Religion, Spring, 2000
by Emily Noelle Ignacio
How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says About Race in America, by
KAREN BRODKIN. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1998, 243pp.
$48.00 (hc), $18.00 (pbk).
In the past decade, race theorists have increasingly used social
constructionist theories, especially Omi and Winant's theory of racial
formation, to explain why and how race and racism continue to persist. In
addition, more scholars are now also seriously interrogating the socially
constructed nature of "whiteness," particularly how the boundaries of
whiteness are defined in relation to "black" and "others" to reify the
racial hierarchy in the United States. While very informative and liberating
compared to the "race as a variable" paradigm, most authors have not shown
this process of racial formation at work, nor how racial formation affects
intra- and interracial relationships. Karen Brodkin's How Jews became white
folks fills both of these gaps.
The title, How Jews became white folks and what hat says about race in
America is the book's weakest point. Brodkin states that her purpose was to
explore "the ways our racial-ethnic backgrounds -- American Jewishness in
particular -- as well as our class and gender contribute to the making of
social identity in the United States" (p. 1). However, the author
accomplishes much more than this. She situates historically the complex
interconnections between race, science, popular discourse, global and local
politics, and the US's labor supply and demand to explain how and why Jewish
Americans have been classified as both whites and blacks. Her account
further buttresses the argument that theorists should not privilege race or
class; like others before her, Brodkin demonstrates that race and class
emerged simultaneously.
In addition, through her unique mix of historical examples, interview data,
and personal accounts, the author gives readers a complex picture of how
structural changes affected Jewish-Americans' interpersonal relationships
and identities. One of the most thought-provoking chapters contains
anecdotes and vignettes of Brodkin's relationships with her mother and
grandmother. Not content with just exploring possible effects of structural
changes, she breathes life into her readers' sociological imaginations by
documenting how large, systemic issues affected her family. Through an
exploration of generational differences, the anger and pain they endured,
and the struggles with identity experienced by the women in her family,
Brodkin shows that the racial classification system, stereotypes of
Jewishness, gender stereotypes, and gender role expectations are all
related; none can be separated from one another. All contributed to their
sense of identity and uneasy, even vacillating, affiliation with the Jewish
communi ty and the white race.
The strength of Karen Brodkin's work is that she meticulously documents this
process of racial formation with respect to Jewish Americans, while
simultaneously describing how this process has personally affected her
familial and other personal relationships. However, other than the chapter
on race and gender, Brodkin does not document the contribution of ruling
Christian elites' conceptions of Judaism on the categorization and
stereotyping of Jews. She mentions briefly that, at the turn of the century,
Jews were defined as "not white" because of the conflation between
Christianity and whiteness. However, because Jewish Americans became
classified as an ethno-racial group due to this dichotomizing of religions,
Brodkin could have provided a fuller analysis of the Jewish-American
experience and struggle with whiteness if more attention had been placed on
the role of Christianity in racial formation. Although she describes in
great detail the effect of anti-Semitism on the construction of Jewish
identity, collectivity, and interpersonal relationships, the normalization
of Christianity is integral to white identity and deserves deeper
exploration. Thus, if she had highlighted the rise of anti-Semitism in
relation to the privileged status of Christianity, her analysis might have
produced a more wholistic picture and highlighted why the Jewish-American
racial formation process is unique and differs from that of other white
groups.
Brodkin's conversational style of writing makes this an interesting and easy
read. This is not to suggest that her book is neither thorough nor
theoretically complex. In contrast, her refreshing style of writing makes
post-structuralist theories of race palatable. Because she describes the
complex process of race and racial identity formation so effortlessly, this
book is a must-read for undergraduate and graduate students taking
race/class/gender courses. In addition, since Brodkin describes the
interconnections between economic practices, popular discourse, and
political processes, as well as documenting the waves of immigration to the
United States, this would be an excellent text for an introduction to
sociology. With respect to the sociology of religion, although she does not
examine the impact of Christianity or Judaism on the categorization of Jews,
she does describe how Jewish Americans themselves create a romanticized
version of Jewishness to resist dominant ideas of Jewishness and to create a
community of their own. Thus, despite giving inadequate attention to the
impact of Christianity on Jewish Americans, this is an important
contribution to the study of religion and racial formation.
COPYRIGHT 2000 Association for the Sociology of Religion
COPYRIGHT 2003 Gale Group
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