[Marxism] For Venezuela, as Distaste for U.S. Grows, So Does Trade

Walter Lippmann walterlx at earthlink.net
Wed Aug 16 06:03:40 MDT 2006


(Venezuela is lucky in a way that Cuba was not. You cannot grow
oil in the United States. There's only a finite supply and just
about no mood for energy-conservation measures. Sugar can grow
in the United States. If helped by severe import tariffs, sugar
as a business can do even better, from a financial point of view.
Though Washington is working actively through internal subversion
and efforts to politically defeat the Bolivarian process, its own
anti-Chavez efforts are simultaneously, and fortunately, undercut
by the insatiable U.S. hunger for oil which continues to prevail.
U.S. companies would obviously love to do business in Cuba, also,
but Washington has continued to obstruct expanded economic ties,
as we saw in that Sheraton Hotel incident earlier this year in
Mexico City. When will Washington finally step out of the way?)
=================================================================

THE NEW YORK TIMES
August 16, 2006
For Venezuela, as Distaste for U.S. Grows, So Does Trade
By SIMON ROMERO
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/08/16/world/americas/16venezuela.html

CARACAS, Venezuela, Aug. 15 — “Capitalism will lead to the
destruction of humanity,” President Hugo Chávez said this month in a
speech in Vietnam, during an overseas tour that included stops in
Iran and Belarus. The United States, he added, “is the devil that
represents capitalism.”

Yet even as the talk from Caracas and Washington grows more hostile
and the countries seem to be growing ever farther apart, trade
between Venezuela and the United States is surging.

Venezuela’s oil exports, of course, account for the bulk of that
trade, as the country remains the fourth largest oil supplier to the
United States. Pulled largely by those rising oil revenues, trade
climbed 36 percent in 2005, to $40.4 billion, the fastest growth in
cargo value among America’s top 20 trading partners, according to
WorldCity, a Miami company that closely tracks American trade.

But American companies are also benefiting, as Venezuela’s thirst for
American products like cars, construction machinery and computers has
steadily grown, rising to $6.4 billion last year, from $4.8 billion a
year earlier.

The new growth comes even as Mr. Chávez has done his best to try to
redirect his nation’s trade toward what he considers more likeminded
nations. He has formed a new socialist trade agreement with Cuba and
Bolivia. A few Chinese cars can now be glimpsed in showrooms here.
Iranian tractors are rolling off a new assembly line. And a Russian
company plans to open a Kalashnikov rifle factory soon.

Washington has moved to halt American weapons sales to Venezuela, for
what it says is a lack of cooperation in combating terrorism, as Mr.
Chávez deepens ties with countries like Iran.

But while the leaders in Washington and Caracas may regard each other
with distaste, there is little getting around the fact that the
appetite for trade in both nations belies those differences.
Especially when it comes to oil, the economies remain mutually
dependent.

Some say the ties have left the two nations entangled to a degree
that political or ideological disputes would have a hard time
undoing. “The U.S. has been Venezuela’s principal trading partner for
a century,” said Robert Bottome, editor and publisher of Veneconomía,
the country’s leading business newsletter. “It’s not easy to
dismantle such a relationship, though that is probably Chávez’s
ultimate desire.”

Venezuela moved in that direction on Tuesday, with its national oil
company saying it had agreed to sell its stake in a Houston refinery
for more than $1.3 billion in cash.

Still, the trade numbers illustrate a widening gulf between Mr.
Chávez’s increasingly anti-American speeches, aimed at revving his
political base, and the needs of Venezuela’s otherwise freewheeling
economy.

For instance, non-oil exports to the United States climbed 116
percent in the first three months of the year, according to the
National Statistics Institute. Venezuela also maintains close ties to
Wall Street banks, with Morgan Stanley and Credit Suisse advising the
governments of Venezuela and Argentina on their coming sale of $2
billion of bonds.

The growth in economic ties has touched several sectors, even if
political tensions have left American companies generally hesitant to
call attention to their good fortune or to offer detailed comments on
their operations.

Regulatory filings show that Venezuela’s economy, which grew 9.6
percent in the first half of the year, is lifting profits for many
American companies.

Most delicately, oil services companies like Halliburton, an emblem
of the Venezuelan government’s distaste with American foreign policy,
are at the forefront of the deepening interdependence.

“There’s rhetoric and there’s business,” said an official with the
United States Commerce Department who closely follows trade with
Venezuela, and asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity
of relations between the countries. “The Venezuelans can’t produce
their oil without our equipment. It’s as simple as that.”

With 10 offices and 1,000 employees in Venezuela, Halliburton
recently won a contract to assist Petrozuata, a venture between
Venezuela’s national oil company and ConocoPhillips, in extracting
oil from fields in eastern Venezuela.

Melissa Norcross, a Halliburton spokeswoman in Houston, declined to
comment specifically on activities in Venezuela, but noted that the
company had operated in the country for more than 50 years.

In its July filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission,
Halliburton reported that its energy services group, which helps
companies drill for oil, hit double-digit sales growth in Venezuela
in the first six months of 2006, offsetting a decline in Mexico.

At the same time, Venezuela’s government often speaks out against the
strength of American multinationals, and recently has exerted greater
control over the oil industry, with the largest American oil company,
Exxon Mobil, publicly chafing at its treatment.

Chevron, the second-largest American oil company, said last month
that Venezuela’s reorganization of its oil industry would cut
Chevron’s output by 90,000 barrels a day later this year.

Mr. Chávez has also been critical of American software companies like
Microsoft, and has issued a decree ordering the country’s government
offices to move toward open-source alternatives like Linux.
Government-financed cooperatives in urban barrios and the
countryside, meanwhile, churn out everything from shoes to organic
cocoa.

Still, demand for American products remains strong. General Motors,
Ford and other car manufacturers are trying to meet soaring demand,
with sales up 28 percent in July from last year. G.M., Venezuela’s
largest car manufacturer, said this month that it would invest $20
million to expand output by 30 percent, adding 600 new workers.

Here in Venezuela’s frenetic capital, the pervasive presence of
American brands and advertising for American products stands in
contrast to the colorful murals heroically depicting Mr. Chávez and
Simón Bolívar, and billboards emblazoned with slogans taunting
President Bush. (One reads: “Mister Danger, Let Us Make Love and Not
War.”)

The resilient ties with the United States are too much for some of
Mr. Chávez’s critics on the left, including Douglas Bravo, a former
Marxist guerrilla commander who was once close to Mr. Chávez, but who
has broken with him over Venezuela’s heavy reliance on energy
companies from rich industrial countries.

“If you look at its speech and discourse, this is a revolutionary
government,” Mr. Bravo said in a recent interview with the newspaper
El Nacional. “But if you look at what it has accomplished, it is a
neoliberal government.”

Some government policies have unexpectedly benefited American
companies. For instance, after Venezuela restricted access to foreign
currency for trips abroad to prevent capital flight during a sharp
downturn in the economy in 2003, MasterCard profited because
travelers were still allowed to spend up to $2,500 on their credit
cards outside Venezuela.

Though MasterCard has recently stopped breaking out figures for
Venezuela, it credited the exchange controls with helping to raise
its gross dollar volume in the country by 82 percent, to $460
million, in the third quarter of 2005.

“We’re going to have to pass on this one,” Janet Rivera, a MasterCard
spokeswoman, replied when asked about operations in Venezuela.

Other American companies continue betting on Venezuela, even as
Washington looks at tightening trade ties. Susan Schwab, the United
States trade representative, placed Venezuela last week on a list of
11 developing countries with relatively high income levels that could
lose preferential trade benefits, a move that drew criticism in
Brazil and Argentina but barely a shrug here.

The agricultural giant Cargill spent $10 million in July to acquire a
Venezuelan flour-milling concern, though it has also expressed
concern over delays in being able to send dividends to its Minnesota
owners.

The AES Corporation of Arlington, Va., owner of the utility that
provides electricity to Caracas, is enjoying growth of 5 percent a
year here, said Andrés Gluski, a Venezuelan who heads AES’s
operations in the region. “There is no question that the stronger
economic system in Venezuela has helped our business,” Mr. Gluski
said.

But the biggest beneficiary of Venezuela’s commercially robust
relationship with the United States is, paradoxically, the government
itself, which directly controls the oil producer Petróleos de
Venezuela.

Despite persistent criticism of Mr. Chávez’s economic policies from
his political opponents, Venezuela enjoyed a $27.6 billion trade
surplus last year with the United States, by far the largest market
for its oil.

“I’m reticent to attract much attention to this subject,” said Edmond
Saade, president of the Venezuelan American Chamber of Commerce and
Industry, with 1,200 members. “But really, we’d like to leave well
enough alone.”





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