[Marxism] Scowcroft: yesterday's man or tomorrow's?

Marvin Gandall marvgandall at videotron.ca
Mon Jul 31 05:40:25 MDT 2006


Beyond Lebanon
This Is the Time for a U.S.-Led Comprehensive Settlement

By Brent Scowcroft
Washington Post
Sunday, July 30, 2006; B07

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has stated that a simple cease-fire in
Lebanon is not the solution to the current violence. She says it is
necessary to deal with the roots of the problem. She is right on both
counts. But Hezbollah is not the source of the problem; it is a derivative
of the cause, which is the tragic conflict over Palestine that began in
1948.

The eastern shore of the Mediterranean is in turmoil from end to end, a
repetition of continuing conflicts in one part or another since the abortive
attempts of the United Nations to create separate Israeli and Palestinian
states in 1948. The current conflagration has energized the world. Now,
perhaps more than ever, we have an opportunity to harness that concern and
energy to achieve a comprehensive resolution of the entire 58-year-old
tragedy. Only the United States can lead the effort required to seize this
opportunity.

The outlines of a comprehensive settlement have been apparent since
President Bill Clinton's efforts collapsed in 2000. The major elements would
include:

· A Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders, with minor rectifications
agreed upon between Palestine and Israel.

· Palestinians giving up the right of return and Israel reciprocating by
removing its settlements in the West Bank, again with rectifications as
mutually agreed. Those displaced on both sides would receive compensation
from the international community.

· King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia unambiguously reconfirming his 2002 pledge
that the Arab world is prepared to enter into full normal relations with
Israel upon its withdrawal from the lands occupied in 1967.

· Egypt and Saudi Arabia working with the Palestinian Authority to put
together a government along the lines of the 18-point agreement reached
between Hamas and Fatah prisoners in Israeli jails in June. This government
would negotiate for the Authority.

· Deployment, as part of a cease-fire, of a robust international force in
southern Lebanon.

· Deployment of another international force to facilitate and supervise
traffic to and from Gaza and the West Bank.

· Designation of Jerusalem as the shared capital of Israel and Palestine,
with appropriate international guarantees of freedom of movement and civic
life in the city.

These elements are well-known to people who live in the region and to those
outside who have labored over the decades seeking to shape a lasting peace.
What seems breathtakingly complicated, however, is how one mobilizes the
necessary political will, in the region and beyond, to transform these
principles into an agreement on a lasting accord.

The current crisis in Lebanon provides a historic opportunity to achieve
what has seemed impossible. That said, it is too much to expect those most
directly implicated -- Israeli and Palestinian leaders -- to lead the way.
That responsibility falls to others, principally the United States, which
alone can mobilize the international community and Israel and the Arab
states for the task that has defeated so many previous efforts.

How would such a process be organized? The obvious vehicle to direct the
process would be the Quartet (the United States, the European Union, Russia
and the United Nations), established in 2001 for just such a purpose. The
Quartet, beginning at the foreign-minister level, would first organize the
necessary international force for southern Lebanon and Gaza and then call
for a cease-fire. The security force would have to have the mandate and
capability to deal firmly with acts of violence. Ideally, this would be a
NATO, or at least NATO-led, contingent. Recognizing the political obstacles,
the fact is that direct U.S. participation in such a force would be highly
desirable -- and perhaps even essential -- for persuading our friends and
allies to contribute the capabilities required.

With a cease-fire and international security force in place, the Quartet
would then construct a framework for negotiating the specific elements of a
comprehensive settlement, after which Israel, the Palestinian Authority and
appropriate Arab state representatives (e.g. Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt,
Lebanon) would be added to the process to complete the detailed
negotiations.

The benefits of reaching a comprehensive settlement of the root cause of
today's turmoil would likely ripple well beyond the Israelis and the
Palestinians. A comprehensive peace settlement would not only defang the
radicals in Lebanon and Palestine (and their supporters in other countries),
it would also reduce the influence of Iran -- the country that, under its
current ideology, poses the greatest potential threat to stability in Saudi
Arabia, Iraq, Egypt and Jordan.

A comprehensive settlement also would allow Arab leaders to focus on what
most say is a primary concern: modernizing their countries to provide jobs
and productive lives for their rapidly growing populations.

Removing the argument that nothing can be done because domestic
constituencies are fixated on the "plight of the Palestinians" would allow
creative energy, talent and money to be rechanneled into education, health,
housing, etc. This would have the added benefit of addressing conditions
that encourage far too many young Arabs to glorify terrorism as a legitimate
means for dealing with the challenges of the modern world.

It is even possible that a comprehensive settlement might help stabilize
Iraq. A chastened Iran, bereft of the "Israeli card," might be more willing
to reach a modus vivendi with the Sunnis and Kurds in Iraq, and with the
United States as well. All countries in the region -- not to mention Iraq
itself -- need a stable, prosperous and peaceful Iraq. The road to achieving
this may well lead eastward from a Jerusalem shared peacefully by Israelis
and Palestinians.

This latest in a seemingly endless series of conflagrations in the region
just may present a unique opportunity to change the situation in the Middle
East for the better for all time. Let us not shrink from the task.

The writer was national security adviser to Presidents Gerald Ford and
George H.W. Bush. He is now president of the Forum for International Policy.








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