[Marxism] Shaheed Bhagat Singh - Message-3
Marla Vijaya kumar
marlavk at yahoo.com
Thu Oct 25 10:06:53 MDT 2007
I HAVE said that the present movement, i e, the present struggle (of the Congress - editor) is bound to end in some sort of compromise or complete failure.
I said that, because in my opinion this time the real revolutionary forces have not been invited into the arena. This is a struggle dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly the latter, can never dare to risk their property or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies are in the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even after the achievement of what our leaders aim at. After his first experience with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma Gandhi declared: "We must not tamper with the labourers. It is dangerous to make political use of the factory proletariat" (The Time, May 1921). Since then, they never dared to approach them. There remains the peasantry. The Bardoli resolution of 1922 clearly defines the horror the
leaders felt when they saw the gigantic peasant class rising to shake off not only the domination of an alien nation but also the yoke of the landlords.
It is there that our leaders prefer surrender to the British than to the peasantry. Leave alone Pt Jawaharlal. Can you point out any leader who made any effort to organise the peasants or the labourers? No, they will not run the risk. There they lack. That is why I say they never meant a complete revolution. Through economic and administrative pressure they hoped to get a few more reforms, a few more concessions for the Indian capitalists. That is why I say that this movement is doomed to die, may be after some sort of compromise or even without. The young workers, who in all sincerity raise the cry "Long Live Revolution," are not well organised and strong enough to carry the movement themselves. As a matter of fact, even our great leaders, with the exception of perhaps Pt Motilal Nehru, do not dare to take any responsibility on their shoulders; that is why every now and then they surrender unconditionally before Gandhi. Inspite of their differences,
they never oppose him seriously and the resolutions have to be carried for the Mahatma.
In these circumstances, let me warn the sincere young workers who seriously mean a revolution that harder times are coming. Let them beware lest they should get confused or disheartened. After the experience made through two struggles of the Great Gandhi, we are in a better position to form a clear idea of our present position and the future programme.
Now allow me to state the case in the simplest manner. You cry, "Long Live Revolution." Let me assume that you really mean it. According to our definition of the term, as stated in our statement in the Assembly Bomb Case, revolution means the complete overthrow of the existing social order and its replacement with the socialist order. For that purpose, our immediate aim is the achievement of power. As a matter of fact, the state, the government machinery is just a weapon in the hands of the ruling class to further and safeguard its interest. We want to snatch and handle it to utilise it for the consummation of our ideal, i e, the social reconstruction on a new, i e, Marxist basis. For this purpose we are fighting to handle the government machinery. All along we have to educate the masses and create a favourable atmosphere for our social programme. In the struggles we can best train and educate them
But if you say that you will approach the peasants and labourers to enlist their active support, let me tell you that they are not going to be fooled by any sentimental talk. They ask you quite candidly: what are they going to gain by your revolution for which you demand their sacrifice; what difference does it make to them whether Lord Reading is the head of the Indian government or Sir Purshotamdas Thakordas? What difference for a peasant if Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru replaces Lord Irwin! It is useless to appeal to his national sentiment. You cant "use" him for your purpose; you shall have to mean seriously and to make him understand that the revolution is going to be his and for his good. The revolution is of the proletariat and for the proletariat.
When you have formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can proceed in right earnest to organise your forces for such an action. Now there are two different phases through which you shall have to pass. First, the preparation; second, the action.
After the present movement ends, you will find disgust and some disappointment amongst the sincere revolutionary workers. But you need not worry. Leave sentimentalism aside. Be prepared to face the facts. Revolution is a very difficult task. It is beyond the power of any man to make a revolution. Nor can it be brought about on any appointed date. It is brought about by special environments, social and economic. The function of an organised party is to utilise any such opportunity offered by these circumstances. And to prepare the masses and organise the forces for the revolution is a very difficult task. And that requires a very great sacrifice on the part of the revolutionary workers. Let me make it clear that if you are a businessman or an established worldly or family man, please dont play with fire. As a leader you are of now use to the party. We have already very many such leaders who spare some evening hour for delivering speeches. They are
useless. We require - to use the term so dear to Lenin - "professional revolutionaries." The whole-time workers who have no other ambitions or life-work except the revolution. The greater the number of such workers organised into a party, the greater the chances of your success.
To proceed systematically, what you need most is a party with workers of the type discussed above with clear-cut ideas and keen perception and ability of initiative and quick decisions. The party shall have iron discipline and it need not necessarily be an underground party; rather the contrary. Though the policy of voluntarily going to jail should altogether be abandoned. That will create a number of workers who shall be forced to lead an underground life. They should carry on the work with the same zeal. And it is this group of workers that shall produce worthy leaders for the real opportunity.
(From the letter "To Young Political Workers" written by Bhagat Singh from jail on February 2, 1931 when the Congress was negotiating with the British government for some sort of a compromise. After Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were executed on March 23, 1931, this letter was published by several magazines and papers, but in a mutilated form, after deleting all references to Marx, Lenin, Soviet Union and Communist Party. It was late Comrade Shiv Verma, Bhagat Singhs comrade-in-arms, who traced out a genuine copy of the document that constitutes Bhagat Singhs behest to young political workers.)
Vijaya Kumar Marla
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