[Marxism] Shaheed Bhagat Singh - Message-3

Marla Vijaya kumar marlavk at yahoo.com
Thu Oct 25 10:06:53 MDT 2007

    I  HAVE said that the present movement, i e, the present struggle (of the  Congress - editor) is bound to end in some sort of compromise or  complete failure.
      I  said that, because in my opinion this time the real revolutionary  forces have not been invited into the arena. This is a struggle  dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both  these, and particularly the latter, can never dare to risk their  property or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies  are in the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers.  But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle  them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become  irresistible even after the achievement of what our leaders aim at.  After his first experience with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma  Gandhi declared: "We must not tamper with the labourers. It is  dangerous to make political use of the factory proletariat" (The Time,  May 1921). Since then, they never dared to approach them. There remains  the peasantry. The Bardoli resolution of 1922 clearly defines the  horror the
 leaders felt when they saw the gigantic peasant class rising  to shake off not only the domination of an alien nation but also the  yoke of the landlords.
      It  is there that our leaders prefer surrender to the British than to the  peasantry. Leave alone Pt Jawaharlal. Can you point out any leader who  made any effort to organise the peasants or the labourers? No, they  will not run the risk. There they lack. That is why I say they never  meant a complete revolution. Through economic and administrative  pressure they hoped to get a few more reforms, a few more concessions  for the Indian capitalists. That is why I say that this movement is  doomed to die, may be after some sort of compromise or even without.  The young workers, who in all sincerity raise the cry "Long Live  Revolution," are not well organised and strong enough to carry the  movement themselves. As a matter of fact, even our great leaders, with  the exception of perhaps Pt Motilal Nehru, do not dare to take any  responsibility on their shoulders; that is why every now and then they  surrender unconditionally before Gandhi. Inspite of their differences, 
 they never oppose him seriously and the resolutions have to be carried  for the Mahatma.
      In  these circumstances, let me warn the sincere young workers who  seriously mean a revolution that harder times are coming. Let them  beware lest they should get confused or disheartened. After the  experience made through two struggles of the Great Gandhi, we are in a  better position to form a clear idea of our present position and the  future programme.
      Now  allow me to state the case in the simplest manner. You cry, "Long Live  Revolution." Let me assume that you really mean it. According to our  definition of the term, as stated in our statement in the Assembly Bomb  Case, revolution means the complete overthrow of the existing social  order and its replacement with the socialist order. For that purpose,  our immediate aim is the achievement of power. As a matter of fact, the  state, the government machinery is just a weapon in the hands of the  ruling class to further and safeguard its interest. We want to snatch  and handle it to utilise it for the consummation of our ideal, i e, the  social reconstruction on a new, i e, Marxist basis. For this purpose we  are fighting to handle the government machinery. All along we have to  educate the masses and create a favourable atmosphere for our social  programme. In the struggles we can best train and educate them

      But  if you say that you will approach the peasants and labourers to enlist  their active support, let me tell you that they are not going to be  fooled by any sentimental talk. They ask you quite candidly: what are  they going to gain by your revolution for which you demand their  sacrifice; what difference does it make to them whether Lord Reading is  the head of the Indian government or Sir Purshotamdas Thakordas? What  difference for a peasant if Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru replaces Lord Irwin!  It is useless to appeal to his national sentiment. You can’t "use" him  for your purpose; you shall have to mean seriously and to make him  understand that the revolution is going to be his and for his good. The  revolution is of the proletariat and for the proletariat.
      When  you have formulated this clear-cut idea about your goals you can  proceed in right earnest to organise your forces for such an action.  Now there are two different phases through which you shall have to  pass. First, the preparation; second, the action.
      After  the present movement ends, you will find disgust and some  disappointment amongst the sincere revolutionary workers. But you need  not worry. Leave sentimentalism aside. Be prepared to face the facts.  Revolution is a very difficult task. It is beyond the power of any man  to make a revolution. Nor can it be brought about on any appointed  date. It is brought about by special environments, social and economic.  The function of an organised party is to utilise any such opportunity  offered by these circumstances. And to prepare the masses and organise  the forces for the revolution is a very difficult task. And that  requires a very great sacrifice on the part of the revolutionary  workers. Let me make it clear that if you are a businessman or an  established worldly or family man, please don’t play with fire. As a  leader you are of now use to the party. We have already very many such  leaders who spare some evening hour for delivering speeches. They are 
 useless. We require - to use the term so dear to Lenin - "professional  revolutionaries." The whole-time workers who have no other ambitions or  life-work except the revolution. The greater the number of such workers  organised into a party, the greater the chances of your success.
      To  proceed systematically, what you need most is a party with workers of  the type discussed above with clear-cut ideas and keen perception and  ability of initiative and quick decisions. The party shall have iron  discipline and it need not necessarily be an underground party; rather  the contrary. Though the policy of voluntarily going to jail should  altogether be abandoned. That will create a number of workers who shall  be forced to lead an underground life. They should carry on the work  with the same zeal. And it is this group of workers that shall produce  worthy leaders for the real opportunity.
      (From  the letter "To Young Political Workers" written by Bhagat Singh from  jail on February 2, 1931 when the Congress was negotiating with the  British government for some sort of a compromise. After Bhagat Singh,  Sukhdev and Rajguru were executed on March   23, 1931,  this letter was published by several magazines and papers, but in a  mutilated form, after deleting all references to Marx, Lenin, Soviet Union  and Communist Party. It was late Comrade Shiv Verma, Bhagat Singh’s  comrade-in-arms, who traced out a genuine copy of the document that  constitutes Bhagat Singh’s behest to young political workers.)
       Vijaya Kumar Marla

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