[Marxism] Venezuela: Recycling workers struggle for justice in Merida
stuartmunckton at gmail.com
Tue Jun 17 18:57:39 MDT 2008
Venezuela: Recycling workers' struggle for justice
Tamara Pearson, Merida
13 June 2008
*"Once they got their wages, [the workers] occupied the installations and
demanded that the company go, then they occupied the offices and demanded
that the administration of Sincreba [Merida Waste Incineration and Recycling
System] retire", Simon Rodriguez told Green Left Weekly on the peaceful
take-over by its workers of the Solid Waste Processing Plant in Merida in
September last year.*
The take-over was sparked by a series of disputes revolving around the
company bosses violation of the law in sacking hundreds of workers and
replacing them with subcontractors on much worse conditions.
"The company called the police, saying they were kidnapped by the workers,
but of course it was the opposite situation — the workers wanted them to go.
After some hours [the administration] left … with so many workers [about
100] the police couldn't do much."
Rodriguez is a leading member of the *Colectivo Libre Aquiles Nazoa* (CLAN),
which has been working with the plant's employees in building links with
other unions, popular collectives and the alternative media in order to
promote solidarity with the Sincreba struggle. *GLW* spoke to him about the
During the past 25 years, the production of solid waste in Merida has
increased rapidly. Solid waste from five municipalities (Rangel, Santos
Marquina, Libertador, Campo Elias and Sucre) was sent to one area in the
south of the state. The landfill collapsed several times and was relocated
to different areas — generating pollution, ecological damage, and health
Nearby communities battled to close the dumps and demanded the authorities
find alternatives. The mayors from the five municipalities proposed the
construction of a waste treatment plant, and hired Sincreba for that
In 2001, construction of the plant began, costing over 10 times the initial
budgeted amount. Investigations were recommended into the improper financial
management of resources given ti Sincreba by the Venezuelan state.
Sincreba was a company without capital or experience in the recycling field,
and the final design of the plant was designed more for waste dispersion
than recycling or waste processing, which it was supposed to be constructed
to carry out.
The plant opened in June 2006 with over 400 employees. In violation of the
law, many of the workers were gradually dismissed, until the remaining 250
workers were fired in
December of that year. These workers had been on the minimum wage and lacked
basic safety conditions.
In January 2007, 110 subcontracted workers — subcontracted by the
Cooperative La Rosa Mistica de San Benito — rejoined the plant under even
worse conditions. The chief employee of Sincreba was also general
coordinator of the cooperative. Establishing a "cooperative" allowed
Sincreba to receive government aid.
The workers' pay was based on kilos of waste processed, and they received
less than the minium wage (the equivalent of around US$200 per month). The
scales used to weigh the waste were not certified by the regulatory body and
the process was run by family members of Sincreba's owner, Ricardo Vielma.
The workers protested, declared the sacking of Vielma's board of directors
and took over the plant on September 22, 2007. The plant was run under
workers' management for two weeks.
"Everyone earned the same, including the leaders, and they invested money to
fix the trucks and machinery that had been abandoned and damaged by the
company. In the first week, sorting was manual, by hand, as the machines
were damaged. By the second week they had managed to get the machines to
work at 50% capacity", Rodriguez said.
Vielma responded by using hired mercenaries to sabotage the plant —
destroying machinery, interrupting water and electricity services and
leaving five workers injured.
The police did not heed the workers' requests for protection, and the police
and mercenaries succeeded in driving workers from the plant on October 19.
Workers re-took the plant peacefully on October 22 and the following day the
Libertador municipality rescinded the concession granted to Sincreba.
However,local and regional authorities took no steps to formalise workers'
control of the plant, nor to protect the workers.
On November 11, a heavily armed group attacked, tied up and gagged workers
guarding the plant. One worker was tortured, as the attackers sought to find
Sonia Mejias, one of the workers' leaders.
Finally, on November 19, Sincreba mercenaries and police succeeded in
evicting workers from the plant and looted machinery and trucks (which were
public property). Since then workers have not been able to access the plant.
Rodriguez explained that many of the mercenaries consisted of ex-Sincreba
workers and community members, "who did it not for ideological reasons, but
because they were paid to".
"It's important to know that many of the people working in the plant were
ex-prisoners, unemployed and the most needy. It's very hard work. This
economic fragility allowed the company to take advantage of them", he added.
Before the plant was constructed, 30 Sincreba workers had been working
informally in the dumps, collecting plastic and other re-sellable goods.
"One of the justifications for the construction of the company was to finish
with informal recycling. It's very dangerous. But now these workers have had
to return to that again."
Why haven't the police and the relevant mayors — all five of whom are
"Chavistas" (at least nominally supporting the process of change being led
by President Hugo Chavez) — supported the workers?
Rodriguez argued that the "institutions and laws guarantee the basic
principles of capitalism". He pointed out that the lawyer for Sincreba is
part of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), a mass pro-Chavez
party that has had 5.7 million people register to be members.
Rodriguez argued that the PSUV is party that "has members from all the
different classes". He said that "some militants of the PSUV have supported
the struggle as individuals". The mayors, he claimed, are "just wearing red
He also argued that when local government authorities "mediate" from a
stated position of "neutrality" in industrial disputes, they in fact gave
assistance to the more powerful forces in the dispute.
The mayors came to an agreement with the Puente Viejo communal council
(grassroots committees that promote participatory democracy) to give them
the responsibility of guarding the plant. The workers' cooperative formally
asked to meet with the council to start the plant again with the
participation of the community and the workers, but until now it has refused
Rodriguez said it was likely they are being pressured by the Libertador
mayor, who is backing the opening of a dump in Hacienda La Chorote. "The
authorities used the communal council like contracted workers are used, so
that the mayors and the [local] governments could pass on the
responsibility", Rodriguez argued.
Many community members were also more concerned about the environmental
issues than the workers' problems. With the plant closed, rubbish now goes
directly to a dump, and there is no sorting or recycling. In Merida, a
Spanish company, Urbaser, collects the waste with the original plan being
that Sincreba would process it.
"The law establishes that the municipalities are responsible for the
rubbish. They contract out the work to private companies … the problem is
that there's no policies that encourage community recycling, nor incentive
to educate about the issue."
"In the past few months the struggle has mostly been generating publicity.
Since November, for economic reasons, the workers have had to look for work
and so the group's activity is less and more dispersed. So we are focusing
on public opinion", Rodriguez explained.
CLAN is calling for the intervention of the state, citing recommendations of
the National Assembly, to allow the workers to manage the plant. CLAN argues
that a company that sorts and recycles the solid waste should be, because of
its nature, a public company run under workers' control. It argues that this
would allow an advanced experiment in recycling as well as a socialist model
of workers' management.
I also met briefly with Mejias. In her arm she had a few manilla folders,
and she showed us all the documents the workers had prepared and letters
they had written. "No one responds to us … I don't understand why they don't
open the plant, it's basically an abandoned factory."
Rodriguez concluded: "We say that in the context of a bourgeois state that
defends private property of the means of production, a struggle like this is
always difficult. The possibility of winning this struggle depends on if we
can take advantage of the political circumstances to put pressure on the
authorities to give a favourable response to the workers' demands."
International solidarity can play a role. Donations would help the workers
and campaigners finance publicity and for things like travel to Caracas.
Rodriguez also encouraged organisations and individuals to send in short
letters of solidarity in English or Spanish to colectivolan at gmail.com.
Workers from the cooperative have requested only donations from
organisations that have sent a message of solidarity. Email
redbird5608 at yahoo.com.au for details of how to make a donation.
From: International News, Green Left Weekly issue
#755<http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/2008/755>18 June 2008.
"The free market is perfectly natural... do you think I am some kind of
dummy?" - Jarvis Cocker
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