Xxxzx Xzyyxzxzxx xxyzxxxxxx at xzxxx.xxx
Wed Jun 18 12:12:53 MDT 2008

Why is Nandy the target?

It seems the article was published in  the Times of India. My
understanding is that when
a writer submits an article to a publishing body, he/she surrenders
its editorial content and copyright to the publisher.

About the Indian Penal code, here's what I found on the internet about
what it states. I don't  know what 153 (A), (B) states exactly , but
somewhere on the internet it states that rarely has anyone been held
guilty of 153 (A).

Section 153. Wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot-if
rioting be committed-if not committed


Whoever malignantly, or wantonly, by doing anything which is illegal,
gives provocation to any person intending of knowing it to be likely
that such provocation will cause the offence of rioting to be
committed, shall, if the offence of rioting be committed in
consequence of such provocation, be punished with imprisonment of
either description for a term which may extend to one year, or with
fine, or with both ; and if the offence of rioting be not committed,
imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to six
months, or with fine, or with both.

About National Council for Civil Liberties

The National Council for Civil Liberties (NCCL) was founded in March
1991 by Vinai Kumar Saxena, a senior corporate executive and an ardent
nationalist, joining hands with a group of friends, relatives and

Well, given the above, Mr. Saxena should feel aggrieved that the times
of India, should publish an article from Nandy blaming the middle

He  can't take  on the times of India. The media group would swallow
him. So he took on Nandy. Besides, Nandy has been anti-Modi since
long, of course  the gujarath govt. would like to harass  Nandy. He is
not their friend!

I like to read  Nandy. Nandy does have  a problem with the word
'secularism', but he has
been exemplary in critiquing the hindu right.

'Blame the middle classes' is valid.  But it should be said the
backbone of the Indian middle class system is its high valuation of
the traditional family roles and values. A big culprit is the sari
wearing Indian woman who has a lot to gain from upholding the Indian
middle class system.

Indian men justify their corporate earnings saying they do it  for
their mothers, daughters, sisters and wife. The India women have never
said "don't do your dirty deeds for my sake."  They do profit from the

Nandy should extend his critique of the middle classes to the indian
family system and the indian woman.

You  have my consent to the statement.


Xxxzx Xzyyxzxzxx

On 6/18/08, dn.rath <dn.rath at gmail.com> wrote:
>  Original Message -----
> From: ghanshyam shah
> To: Ambrish ; Anjana Desai ; Archana choksi
> Cc: Ashok Parikh ; Ashok Pawar ; bhavin parmar ; BHikhu Vyas ; darshan desai
> ; Darshini Mahadevia
> Sent: Wednesday, June 18, 2008 5:44 AM
> Subject: Case against Ashish nandy
> Dear friend,
> Prof. Ashis Nandy wrote an article "Blame the Middle Classes" after the
> Gujarat elections. He gave his analysis of the election outcome. One agrees
> with him or not is a different issue. But some one has filed a criminal case
> for writing this article under IPC Section 153 (A) and (B),  with the
> permission of Government of Gujarat. Shockingly the head of the Gujarat
> Branch of the National Council of Civil Liberties has filed the case. Large
> number of scholars from various parts of India and the world has strongly
> protested against the case. Their statement is given below.
> I feel that we from Gujarat should join the protest in very large number to
> show our concern for civil liberties and also show that there are quite a
> large number of persons in Gujarat who believe and respect different points
> of view. WE strongly  oppose to the charges levied against Ashish Nandy; and
> demand withdrawal of the charges against Prof. Nandy. We live in Gujarat and
> believe in freedom of expressions.
> If you agree with me please send your consent to the statement. It will be
> nice if you get signatures of your likeminded friends.
> Warm regards,
> Ghanshyam
> [Released on 16 June 2008]
> We write to protest in the strongest possible
> terms against the charges of criminal offence
> levied against Ashis Nandy, a political
> psychologist, sociologist and an internationally
> renowned public intellectual of the highest
> caliber.  This is the latest case of harassment
> of intellectuals, journalists, artists, and
> public figures by antidemocratic forces that
> claim to speak on behalf of Hindu values
> sometimes and patriotism at other times,
> especially in Gujarat, but who have little
> understanding of either.  What is pernicious in
> this  case is that the charge of criminal offence
> against Nandy  levied under Section 153 (A) and
> (B) for his newspaper article 'Blame the Middle
> Classes' ,  was brought by the head of the
> Gujarat Branch of the National Council of Civil
> Liberties.  The State Government of Gujarat by
> giving its permission for filing the case has
> shown its own complicity in the case.
> It seems part of the strategy of the most
> intolerant sections of Indian society today to
> make a cynical use the language of civil
> liberties to achieve ends that are the opposite
> of what the aspirations to civil liberties and
> the struggles over them represent. The harassment
> of well-known intellectuals and artists hides we
> fear, the daily intimidation being faced by
> members of minorities and especially the Muslims
> in Gujarat. We demand that all the charges
> against Professor Nandy be immediately dropped.
> We understand that there is a great deal of
> anxiety in Gujarat today about its lost honour.
> It might help to remind ourselves that this
> honour or 'asmita'  will not be gained by acts of
> violence and intimidation but by recovering or
> discovering the humanity of each other. Gujarat
> can and will regain its own destiny by
> remembering the politics of nonviolence, as one
> of its sons by the name of Mohandas Karamchand
> Gandhi once taught the nation and the world.
> The Article
> LEADER ARTICLE: Blame The Middle Class
> 8 Jan 2008, 0000 hrs IST, Ashis Nandy
> Now that the dust has settled over the Gujarat elections, we can afford to
> defy the pundits and admit that, even if Narendra Modi had lost the last
> elections, it would not have made much difference to the culture of Gujarat
> politics. Modi had already done his job. Most of the state's urban middle
> class would have remained mired in its inane versions of communalism and
> parochialism and the VHP and the Bajrang Dal would have continued to set the
> tone of state politics. Forty years of dedicated propaganda does pay
> dividends, electorally and socially.
> The Hindus and the Muslims of the state — once bonded so conspicuously by
> language, culture and commerce — have met the demands of both V D Savarkar
> and M A Jinnah. They now face each other as two hostile nations. The handful
> of Gujarati social and political activists who resist the trend are seen not
> as dissenters but as treacherous troublemakers who should be silenced by any
> means, including surveillance, censorship and direct violence. As a result,
> Gujarati cities, particularly its educational institutions are turning
> cultural deserts. Gujarat has already disowned the Indian Constitution and
> the state apparatus has adjusted to the change.
> The Congress, the main opposition party, has no effective leader. Nor does
> it represent any threat to the mainstream politics of Gujarat. The days of
> grass-roots leaders like Jhinabhai Darji are past and a large section of the
> party now consists of Hindu nationalists. The national leadership of the
> party does not have the courage to confront Modi over 2002, given its
> abominable record of 1984.
> The Left is virtually non-existent in Gujarat. Whatever minor presence it
> once had among intellectuals and trade unionists is now a vague memory. The
> state has disowned Gandhi, too; Gandhian politics arouses derision in
> middle-class Gujarat. Except for a few valiant old-timers, Gandhians have
> made peace with their conscience by withdrawing from the public domain.
> Gandhi himself has been given a saintly, Hindu nationalist status and
> shelved. Even the Gujarati translations of his Complete Works have been
> stealthily distorted to conform to the Hindu nationalist agenda.
> Gujarati Muslims too are "adjusting" to their new station. Denied justice
> and proper compensation, and as second-class citizens in their home state,
> they have to depend on voluntary efforts and donor agencies. The state's
> refusal to provide relief has been partly met by voluntary groups having
> fundamentalist sympathies. They supply aid but insist that the beneficiaries
> give up Gujarati and take to Urdu, adopt veil, and send their children to
> madrassas. Events like the desecration of Wali Gujarati's grave have pushed
> one of India's culturally richest, most diverse, vernacular Islamic
> traditions to the wall. Future generations will as gratefully acknowledge
> the sangh parivar's contribution to the growth of radical Islam in India as
> this generation remembers with gratitude the handsome contribution of Rajiv
> Gandhi and his cohorts to Sikh militancy.
> The secularist dogma of many fighting the sangh parivar has not helped
> matters. Even those who have benefited from secular lawyers and activists
> relate to secular ideologies instrumentally. They neither understand them
> nor respect them. The victims still derive solace from their religions and,
> when under attack, they cling more passionately to faith. Indeed, shallow
> ideologies of secularism have simultaneously broken the back of Gandhism and
> discouraged the emergence of figures like Ali Shariatis, Desmond Tutus and
> the Dalai Lama — persons who can give suffering a new voice audible to the
> poor and the powerless and make a creative intervention possible from within
> worldviews accessible to the people.
> Finally, Gujarat's spectacular development has underwritten the
> de-civilising process. One of the worst-kept secrets of our times is that
> dramatic development almost always has an authoritarian tail. Post-World War
> II Asia too has had its love affair with developmental despotism and the
> censorship, surveillance and thought control that go with it. The East Asian
> tigers have all been maneaters most of the time. Gujarat has now chosen to
> join the pack. Development in the state now justifies amorality, abridgement
> of freedom, and collapse of social ethics.
> Is there life after Modi? Is it possible to look beyond the 35 years of
> rioting that began in 1969 and ended in 2002? Prima facie, the answer is
> "no". We can only wait for a new generation that will, out of sheer
> self-interest and tiredness, learn to live with each other. In the
> meanwhile, we have to wait patiently but not passively to keep values alive,
> hoping that at some point will come a modicum of remorse and a search for
> atonement and that ultimately Gujarati traditions will triumph over the
> culture of the state's urban middle class.
> Recovering Gujarat from its urban middle class will not be easy. The class
> has found in militant religious nationalism a new self- respect and a new
> virtual identity as a martial community, the way Bengali babus,
> Maharashtrian Brahmins and Kashmiri Muslims at different times have sought
> salvation in violence. In Gujarat this class has smelt blood, for it does
> not have to do the killings but can plan, finance and coordinate them with
> impunity. The actual killers are the lowest of the low, mostly tribals and
> Dalits. The middle class controls the media and education, which have become
> hate factories in recent times. And they receive spirited support from most
> non-resident Indians who, at a safe distance from India, can afford to be
> more nationalist, bloodthirsty, and irresponsible.
> The writer is a political psychologist.
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