[Marxism] [Fwd: Re: [A-List] Moldova]

Nestor Gorojovsky nmgoro at gmail.com
Fri Apr 10 11:24:41 MDT 2009


Again, sorry for cross-posting.

I am more than rather surprised at having had to learn this from a 
Western source, not from the revolutionaries in Moldova.

"Struggle between two fractions of the bourgeoisie?"

Won´t answer "Bullshit". I leave it to those who have English as their 
mother language to express their free opinion.

And I am not happy at all to learn that the radicalized groups in the 
former Soviet Union are so blind to imperialism. I am full of anguish at 
the devastating effect that long decades of bureaucratic rule have had 
on the teachings and life of Vladimir Ilitch Ulianov.

-------- Mensaje original --------
Asunto: 	Re: [A-List] Moldova
Fecha: 	Thu, 9 Apr 2009 13:50:01 -0400
De: 	Anne Williamson <annewilliamson at msn.com>
Responder a: 	The A-List <a-list at lists.econ.utah.edu>
Para: 	<a-list at lists.econ.utah.edu>
Referencias: 	<5c2e4d230904090510r29f68403u4954682c6dc37b82 at mail.gmail.com>



     April 08, 2009


       Moldova's 'Twitter Revolution': Made in America?

Posted by Daniel McAdams at April 8, 2009 10:54 PM
It makes for a great story-line - the kind the international media
embrace with relish: thrusting young Moldovans grab their iPhones, rush
to the town square, and Twitter their way to a revolution against a
Communist Party that had just stolen an election. The story-line has
been written with orange and with roses and tulips and almost with
denim, the press reducing the phenomena in each case to a few slogans
repeated until they become accepted as reality with little further
analysis.
Such is the case with recent events in Moldova, where even a casual
reading of the vast contradictions between objective reality and the
developing story-line - the "Twitter Revolution" - is glaringly obvious.
The protests, which intensified Tuesday, were sparked by claims that the
Communist Party of President Vladimir Voronin rigged parliamentary
elections last Sunday - a vote they were widely expected to win - to
gain enough of a margin to amend the constitution and extend Voronin's
rule beyond that which is currently permitted. While the press lauds the
"spontaneous" mass organization to overthrow Voronin, one does not have
to dust the scene of the crime too carefully to see US foreign policy
fingerprints all over the place.
Let us begin with the Twitterers. According to a New York Times article
<http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/08/world/europe/08moldova.html?pagewanted=1&%2359;partner=rss&%2359&_r=2&%2359;pagewanted=all&%2359;emc=rss>, 

one of the leaders of the Twitter Revolution claimed she was able to get
15,000 people into the streets with "six people, 10 minutes for
brainstorming and decision-making, several hours of disseminating
information through networks, Facebook, blogs, SMSs and e-mails." That
is impressive.
In the same article we are told, correctly, that Moldova is among the
poorest countries in Europe. The average monthly salary is approximately
2532 lei, which equals about US$230. Contrasted with the average US
salary of approximately US$4,000 per month, this demonstrates the real
poverty of Moldova.
Yet according to the website <http://www.orange.md/iphone/?s=4&lang=ro>
of one of the leading mobile networks operators in Moldova, that
Twitter-friendly iPhone would set back a young Moldovan 6,599 lei, or
the equivalent of about two and a half times his monthly salary. For an
American that would be the equivalent of a US$10,000 iPhone. Not many
kids would have one. Even basic high-speed internet access on a lesser
instrument would set a young Moldovan back nearly 500 lei per month, or
the equivalent of US$800 for an average American. How does this
impoverished nation afford such luxuries?
Just as many of us cast a skeptical eye on the sudden emergence of
massive plasma-screen televisions in also-poor Ukraine during the
"Orange Revolution," the idea that thousands of young Moldovans are
spending such sums on their Twittering seems equally implausible.
So what is fueling this revolution? A brief glance at the website
<http://www.iatp.md/hp/hpfoto.html> of one of the Moldovan NGOs leading
the effort to overthrow the elected Moldovan government, that of the
"Hyde Park Organization," reveals an interesting benefactor: at the
bottom of the page, next to a seal of the United States, one can read
that "This website is hosted free of charge through the Internet Access
Training Program (IATP). IATP is a program of the Bureau of Educational
& Cultural Affairs (ECA), US Department of State, funded under the
Freedom Support Act (FSA)."
Digging a bit further, one can see on the website of the US Agency for
International Development
<http://moldova.usaid.gov/moldova_democracy.shtml> that the United
States government, through cut-out organizations like the International
Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute, is funneling
large sums of money to Moldova for programs with such fascinating titles
as "Strengthening Democratic Political Activism in Moldova (SPA)." USAID
boasts that this program is "cultivating new political activists who can
formulate and pursue concrete political objectives." No doubt.
Another program, titled the "Internet Access and Training Program" may
hold a clue as to where all these Twitterers came from. According to the
US government, this program "provides local communities with free access
to the Internet and to extensive training in all aspects of information
technology." Does the training come with iPhones?
The media, with story-line already inked out, mock the Moldovan
president's claims that the protests were "well designed, well thought
out, coordinated, planned and paid for," but isn't that what the USAID
website has already claimed? After all, to what end does the US train
and fund NGOs in projects such as the "Moldova Citizen Participation
Program," whose goal is to "build. the capacity of citizens to create
tangible and positive change in their own communities through civic
activity and democratic practices.by providing training, mentoring, and
funding for citizen-initiated projects and strengthening the capacity of
NGOs and citizen groups to mobilize their community, advocate for
change, and hold government accountable"? In the previous color
revolutions we have seen the perversion of "democracy" to mean getting
enough people getting to the street to overthrow an elected government.

Why bother with all this? The same reason the US funded the other color
revolutions. The same reason the US announced missile defense facilities
in Poland and Czech Republic. The same reason the US has propped up and
provided massive military aid to a creepily unstable Mikheil Saakashvili
in Georgia. Encircle Russia. Maintain the empire. In 2003 Voronin was
our "democrat" when he stuck it to Russia over the breakaway region of
Transnistria, refusing to sign on to the Russian settlement plan. When
Voronin later mended fences with Russia the long knives came out for
him. In the words of one observer of the region, this current revolt is
against the communists (Voronin) who were yesterday the democrats
against the communists in Transnistria. Dizzying.
Demand obedience from foreign rulers or make them face the consequences.
It is a project that is not only destined to fail, but is in fact in the
process of failing already. And did anyone notice that we have a new
president and administration in the US?

The above entry can be found at:  www.lewrockwell.com/blog

  > Date: Thu, 9 Apr 2009 05:10:28 -0700
  > From: cb31450 at gmail.com
  > To: a-list at lists.econ.utah.edu
  > Subject: [A-List] Moldova
  >
  > Post-independence politics (1991-2009)
  > On January 2, 1992, Moldova introduced a market economy, liberalizing
  > prices, which resulted in huge inflation. From 1992 to 2001, the young
  > country suffered its worst economic crisis, leaving most of the
  > population below the poverty line.[citation needed] In 1993, a
  > national currency, the Moldovan leu, was introduced to replace the
  > Soviet ruble. The end of the planned economy also meant that
  > industrial enterprises would have to buy supplies and sell their goods
  > by themselves, and most of the management was unprepared for such a
  > change.[citation needed] Moldova's industry, especially machine
  > building, became all but defunct, and unemployment
  > skyrocketed.[citation needed] The economic fortunes of Moldova began
  > to change in 2001; since then the country has seen a steady annual
  > growth of between 5% and 10%. The early 2000s also saw a considerable
  > growth of emigration of Moldovans looking for work (mostly illegally)
  > in Italy, Portugal, Spain, Greece, Cyprus,
  > Turkey, and other countries, in addition to work in Russia.[citation
  > needed] Remittances from Moldovans abroad account for almost 38% of
  > Moldova's GDP, the second-highest percentage in the world.[41]
  > Officially, Moldova's annual GDP is on the order of $1,000 per capita;
  > however, a significant part of the economy goes unregistered due to
  > corruption.[citation needed]
  > The pro-nationalist governments of prime-ministers Mircea Druc (May
  > 25, 1990 - May 28, 1991), and Valeriu Muravschi (May 28, 1991 - July
  > 1, 1992), were followed one year after independence by a more moderate
  > government of Andrei Sangheli, which saw the decline of the
  > pro-Romanian nationalist sentiment.[42] After the 1994 elections,
  > Moldovan Parliament adopted measures that distanced Moldova from
  > Romania.[36] The new Moldovan Constitution also provided for autonomy
  > for Transnistria and Gagauzia. On December 23, 1994, the Parliament of
  > Moldova adopted a "Law on the Special Legal Status of Gagauzia", and
  > in 1995 it was constituted.
  > After winning the presidential elections of 1996, on January 15, 1997,
  > Petru Lucinschi, the former First Secretary of the Moldavian Communist
  > Party in 1989-91, became the country's second president. After the
  > legislative elections on March 22, 1998, an Alliance for Democracy and
  > Reform was formed by non-Communist parties. However, the activity of
  > new government of prime-minister Ion Ciubuc (January 24, 1997-
  > February 1, 1999) was marked by chronic political instability, which
  > prevented a coherent reform program.[36] The 1998 financial crisis in
  > Russia, Moldova's main economic partner at the time, produced an
  > economic crisis in the country. The standard of living plunged, with
  > 75% of population living below the poverty line, while the economic
  > disaster caused 600,000 people to eventually leave the country.[36]
  > New governments were formed by Ion Sturza (February 19 - November 9,
  > 1999) and Dumitru Braghiş (December 21, 1999 - April 19, 2001). On
  > July 21, 2000, the Parliament adopted an amendment to the Constitution
  > that transformed Moldova from a presidential to a parliamentary
  > republic, in which the president is elected by 3/5 of the votes in the
  > parliament, and no longer directly by the people.[36]
  > Only 3 of the 31 political parties passed the 6% threshold of the
  > February 25, 2001 early elections. Winning 49.9% of the vote, the
  > Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova gained 71 of the 101
  > MPs, and on April 4, 2001, elected Vladimir Voronin as the country's
  > third president. A new government was formed on April 19, 2001 by
  > Vasile Tarlev. The country became the first post-Soviet state where a
  > non-reformed Communist Party returned to power.[36] In March-April
  > 2002, in Chişinău, several mass protests took place against the plans
  > of the government to fulfill its electoral promise and introduce
  > Russian as the second state language along with its compulsory study
  > in schools.[36] The government mainly renounced these plans.[citation
  > needed] Relationship between Moldova and Russia deteriorated in
  > November 2003 over a Russian proposal for the solution of the
  > Transnistrian conflict, which Moldovan authorities refused to accept
  > due to Western and
  > internal political pressure,[43] since it stipulated a 20-year
  > Russian military presence in Moldova. The federalization plan for
  > Moldova would have also turned Transnistria and Gagauzia into a
  > blocking minority over all major policy matters of Moldova. As of
  > 2006, approximately 1,200 of the 14th army personnel remain stationed
  > in Transnistria, guarding a large ammunitions depot at Colbasna. In
  > the last years, negotiations between the Transnistrian and Moldovan
  > leaders have been going on under the mediation of the OSCE, Russia,
  > and Ukraine; lately observers from the European Union and the United
  > States have become involved, creating a 5+2 format.
  > In the wake of the November 2003 deadlock with Russia, a series of
  > shifts in the external policy of Moldova occurred, targeted at
  > rapprochement with the European Union. In the context of the EU's
  > expansion to the east, Moldova wants to sign a Stability an
  > Association Agreement. It implemented its first three-year Action Plan
  > within the framework of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) of the
  > EU.[44][45]
  > In the March 2005 elections, the Party of the Communists (PCRM) won
  > 46% of the vote, (56 of the 101 seats in the Parliament), Democratic
  > Moldova Block (BMD) won 28.5% of the vote (34 MPs), and the Christian
  > Democratic People Party (PPCD) won 9.1% (11 MPs). On April 4, 2005,
  > Vladimir Voronin was re-elected as country's president, supported by a
  > part of the opposition, and on April 8, Vasile Tarlev was again
  > charged as head of government.[36] On March 31, 2008, Vasile Tarlev
  > was replaced by Zinaida Greceanîi as head of the government.
  > [edit] 2009 election protests
  > Main article: 2009 Chişinău riots
  > Following the general elections on April 5, 2009 the Communist Party
  > won 50% of the votes, followed by the Liberal Party with 13% of the
  > votes and the Liberal Democratic Party with 12%. The opposition
  > leaders have protested against the outcome calling it fraudulent and
  > demanded a repeated election.
  > A report by OSCE said Sunday's vote was "generally free and fair".
  > However, one member of the OSCE observation team questioned that
  > conclusion: Baroness Emma Nicholson said that she and a number of
  > other team members feel that there had been some manipulation, but
  > they were unable to find any proof.[46]
  > Opposition leaders have organized a protest demonstration on April 6
  > and 7, 2009, with thousands of mainly young protesters in Chişinău,
  > accusing the Communist government of electoral fraud. The
  > demonstration has spun out of control and turned into a riot when a
  > crowd of about 10,000 attacked the parliament building and broke into
  > the presidential offices, looting and setting them on fire.[47] The
  > violence on both sides (demonstrators and police) was condemned by the
  > OSCE.[48] Government officials, including the President, Vladimir
  > Voronin have called the rioting a coup d'etat attempt and have accused
  > Romanian nationalists of organizing it.[46]
  >




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