[Marxism] Anti-Roma racism fuels growth of neofascist party in Hungary

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Sun Oct 11 06:36:16 MDT 2009


latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-hungary-right11-2009oct11,0,1698369.story

In Hungary, far right is making gains
The radically nationalist Jobbik party won 15% of the vote in elections 
for EU delegates. The popularity of party leader Gabor Vona, who has 
started a militia, hinges on hostility toward Gypsies.

By Megan K. Stack

October 11, 2009

Reporting from Komarom, Hungary

The right-wing demonstrators have gathered here on the fringe of a 
long-lost empire, near the border with Slovakia, the banks of the 
Danube, along rusting train tracks that stretch northwest to Vienna.

They wear wraparound sunglasses, leather vests and combat boots; and 
they knot around their necks the red and white striped flags reminiscent 
of Hungary's pro-Nazi party of the 1930s and '40s.

"Take your guns in your hands," rasps a singer. "This is the last fight 
we're going to win. Endurance."

And then: "I may have big boots. You may throw a stone at me. But this 
is still my country, this is where my cradle lay."

The crowd has gathered in the September sunshine for the main 
attraction, Gabor Vona, a charismatic young nationalist who heads 
Hungary's newest, fastest growing and most controversial political party 
-- and founded its affiliated militia.

Vona steps out of a minivan, a slight young man with a few shoots of 
gray in a crop of dark hair. A passing driver leans furiously on his car 
horn, and the young woman in the passenger seat shows Vona her middle 
finger as they careen past. Vona blinks and turns away with 
indifference. He's ready to face his fans.

"You should know that Hungarian policy may change in the very near 
future," he tells them. "Everyone knows that for the past 20 years we 
kept silent and bowed down, but this will change."

Vona is riding high these days. His radically nationalistic party, 
Jobbik, picked up nearly 15% of the Hungarian vote in June elections for 
the European Union parliament. The Hungarian Guard, the paramilitary 
organization founded by Vona and his party and distinguished by its 
Nazi-like iconography and menacing marches through Roma, or Gypsy, 
areas, is locked in conflict with police and courts.

But if anything, the Hungarian Guard's clashes with authorities appear 
to be feeding Jobbik's popularity among a disgruntled populace.

Jobbik is quickly gathering strength by galvanizing all manner of 
conservative Hungarians, especially the young and rural. Analysts say 
its popularity hinges on its antagonism toward the Roma minority, and 
party leaders' incessant talk of "Gypsy crime."

The party's rhetoric paints a picture of an isolated Hungarian people 
and a neutered, ineffective police force at the mercy of robbing, 
violent Roma. The rise to prominence of Jobbik and its Hungarian Guard 
has come in tandem with a spate of ruthless attacks on Roma, including 
children. Analysts say this is no coincidence. They also blame Jobbik 
for spreading thinly coded anti-Semitism and unsubtle hearkening back to 
Hungary's Nazi past.

Originating as a small student movement in 2002, Jobbik has moved 
quickly from the extremist fringes into the mainstream -- or perhaps has 
managed to drag some of mainstream Hungary to the fringes. As the party 
continued to grow, Vona founded the Hungarian Guard in 2007.

Jobbik is poised to take on even greater power in next year's national 
parliamentary elections. Analysts attribute its popularity to a mix of 
factors: rising economic difficulties, growing distaste for the 
political elite of both the left and right and a widespread sense that 
the government has failed to deal effectively with crime and ethnic 
tensions.

"Jobbik intends to change the shy, cowardly Hungarian policy," Vona 
says, finishing with a salute: "God give us . . ."

". . . a brighter future!" the crowd roars in reply.

This too has the ring of a resurrected Nazi call and response.

For all the retro symbolism, Jobbik is a distinctly modern organization. 
There are websites, YouTube videos and a vast array of nationalistic 
merchandise, such as T-shirts depicting clawed hands grabbing at chunks 
of formerly Hungarian land in a nod to the territory lost at the end of 
World War I.

"Now in Budapest, you see these young people wearing the Hungarian Guard 
logo and the Jobbik scarf," said Peter Kreko, an analyst with the 
Budapest-based Political Capital think tank. "The main threat is that, 
even those who don't agree with their ideology, they catch them also by 
creating this fashion trend."

Zoltan Kiszelly, another political scientist in Budapest, agreed.

"Ten years ago teenagers had Che Guevara on their shirts," he said. "Now 
they have Greater Hungary."

Young people are particularly attracted to nationalism, he said, because 
their expectations are clashing painfully with the reality of a country 
hammered by financial crisis.

"It's a generation of disappointed people," Kiszelly said. "Everybody 
attended university and now they're starting life, and they say, 'I have 
no connections. I have no chance to enter the system. So I have to blow 
up the system.' "

Riding a wave of popular discontent, Vona and the other party leaders 
tell people they are poised between two looming menaces: Gypsies from 
within, and globalization from the wider world. They keenly sense the 
shifting demographics as Roma become a larger minority within Hungary.

In convincing Hungarians that they are at war to protect their way of 
life, no tactic has been more successful than the deployment of the 
Hungarian Guard. Police are too overwhelmed to deal with crime in rural 
areas, analysts say. Into the vacuum surged the Hungarian Guard, 
announcing that they would protect their countrymen against the criminal 
Roma.

Ask the people who turned out to hear Vona speak and you'll be told that 
the guard is delivering a crucial warning to the Roma.

"If you behave properly, Gypsies will understand not to bother you," 
said Andras Lipovics, a young Jobbik supporter with combat boots, head 
shaved and arms swathed in tattoos.

"It was there, it was building, and now the levees have broken," said 
Gergely Romsics of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs. 
"I'm not saying they're Nazis, but they're using the same strategy as 
the Nazis: creating a parallel paramilitary which is more efficient than 
the government itself."

Paused on the roadside after the demonstration, Vona gripes that 
Hungarians are "second- or third-class citizens" in their own country.

"If a Gypsy is killed, then the whole government is represented at the 
funeral," he says.

"But if a Hungarian is killed by a Gypsy, there is deep silence.

"We're gaining popularity because we have unity between our words and 
our actions."

Budapest's appeals court this summer upheld the banning of the Hungarian 
Guard on grounds that it created a climate of discrimination and fear. 
But both the party and its paramilitary refused to bow to the court's 
ruling, and have continued to hold public gatherings.

Vona scoffs that his party was "preparing to govern," and boasts that 
lawmakers from the party would go to parliament dressed in Hungarian 
Guard uniforms.

Gaining status as an outlaw organization may be working in favor of 
Jobbik. Opinion polls track a growth in the party's popularity since the 
Hungarian Guard demonstrations were dispersed by police, Kreko said.

"It's a warning that, unfortunately, public opinion has moved toward a 
more radical position," he said. "It shows people tolerate clashes with 
police by this so-called party of order."

megan.stack at latimes.com




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