[Marxism] Egypt: The Struggle Continues
Louis Proyect
lnp3 at panix.com
Sun Jul 3 07:21:02 MDT 2011
http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/2041/egypt_the-struggle-continues
Egypt: The Struggle Continues
Jul 02 2011 by Joel Beinin
Thousands of demonstrators filled expressing anger and determination
rallied in Tahrir Square on Friday, July 1. Sharp clashes between youth
on the one hand and police and regime thugs on the other on Tuesday and
Wednesday June 28 and 29 were the immediate impetus for the
demonstration. But in addition to outrage about police brutality, which
most Egyptians had hoped was a thing of the past, there is growing
dissatisfaction with the limited changes since the fall of former
president Hosni Mubarak.
According to a group of youth who took a time out from returning tear
gas canisters lobbed at them by the police on Wednesday morning,
families of the “martyrs of the revolution,” who had been conducting a
sit-down protest in front of the main government TV and radio
headquarters in Cairo had gone to the Balloon Theater on the west bank
of the Nile River on Tuesday evening to complain that they had not
received compensation for their losses from the interim government and
that some of those seriously injured did not have sufficient funds to
pay for medications.
The families were attacked by thugs, a common phenomenon during the last
years of the Mubarak regime. The aggrieved families then marched to the
Ministry of Interior across the Nile River to lodge a complaint about
this treatment. Once again, they were attacked by thugs. The crowd then
moved to Tahrir Square, where clashes with police continued throughout
the night and most of the next day. After 1,114 people were wounded, the
army appeared and sealed off the street leading from Tahrir Square to
the Ministry of Interior.
However, the pretense of the military’s neutrality whose purpose is
simply to maintain order is wearing thin on some people. In response to
the unusually repressive measures of the police, by the standards that
have come to be acceptable in the post-Mubarak era, the Revolutionary
Youth Coalition, the 6th of April Youth Movement, and several political
parties called for a mass protest in Tahrir Square on Friday. These
forces dubbed the protest “Friday of Retribution and Loyalty to the
Martyrs.” Even the usually quiescent Muslim Brothers, who appear to have
an understanding with the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces
(SCAF) to maintain “stability” and to limit the extent of social change,
denounced the excessive force used by the police.
There were also demonstrations in the provincial capitals of Suez and
Isma‘iliyya, which have been particularly active since the popular
uprising of January-February.
Many, including the liberal daily al-Masry al-Youm, believe that the
thugs’ attack on the families of the martyrs was instigated by
supporters of the former ruling National Democratic Party reacting
against the judicial decision dissolving all of Egypt’s the local
council’s the day before. The councils had been a central pillar of the
power of the NDP and the Mubarak regime. Their definitive demise would
be a very substantial blow to the capacity of former supporters of the
old regime to reconstitute themselves as a viable political force. The
SCAF has announced that it will not appeal the court’s decision.
The protest began with a rousing Friday sermon by Shaykh Mazhar Shahin
of the ‘Umar Makram mosque, located across Tahrir Square from the
improvised stage. He sharply denounced the government for failing to
provide for the needs of the families of those killed and wounded during
the revolution. He demanded swift prosecution of much-hated former
Minister of Interior Habib al-‘Adli, who is under detention, and others
responsible for deaths of demonstrators sine January. Embracing a Coptic
colleague, Hani Hanna, and clenching both their hand high above their
heads like victorious boxers, he denounced all forms of sectarianism and
division between Muslims and Christians. He removed his red and white
headdress, symbolizing his education at the citadel of Sunni Muslim
learning, al-Azhar. Then, holding it high for all to see he proclaimed,
“This imama will never submit to injustice. The tradition of al-Azhar
will never submit to injustice.” His words recalled the career of Shaykh
‘Umar Makram, for whom his mosque is named. Makram led Cairenes in
resisting both Napoleon’s 1798 invasion of Egypt and the Ottoman
reoccupation in 1800.
After prayers, a representative of the youth coalition read out its
official demands which included: full compensation for the families of
those killed during and since the revolution, the dismissal of ministry
of interior officials responsible for attacking demonstrators, a speedy
trial for former Minister of Interior Habib al-‘Adli, press access to
trials of officials of the former regime. This was followed by militant
chants including “The people want the fall of the field marshal”
(al-sha‘b yurid isqat al-mushir, referring to the SCAF chief Muhammad
Husayn Tantawi) and “Freedom, freedom, the people are not thugs”
(al-hurriyya, al-hurriyya al-shabab mish baltagiyya). Around 4pm
demonstrators marched from Tahrir Square to the offices of the Cabinet
to present their demands.
One factor exacerbating the anger of the crowd was the death of Ahmad
Sharif only days earlier from wounds he received during the popular
uprising. He became the 847th “martyr of the revolution.” His mother
addressed the demonstrators, many of who responded shouting, “We are all
your children.”
Several tents were set up, reminiscent of the occupation of Tahrir
Square from January 25 until Mubarak’s departure on February 11. The
Revolutionary Youth Coalition called for a continuous occupation of the
square until the demands of the demonstration were met. This expression
of a more confrontational approach towards the military is a recent
development resulting from growing realization among the liberal and
radical-liberal upper middle-class intelligentsia the youth movements
represent that the SCAF seeks to contain the revolution rather than to
realize its full potential.
Another new development is that the April 6 Youth Movement has raised
the slogan, “The martyrs and the poor first,” a demand that the
government should give priority to these people’s needs. This is in
sharp contrast to accusations by some liberals and the business classes
that workers who continue to strike to demand a basic monthly minimum
wage of £E 1,200 (about $200) are greedy or worse. The current minimum
wage of £E 700 (about $118) was established in 2010. But many workers
have still not received it because the government does not compel
employers in the private sector and the “informal economy” to pay.
Those workers and others have understood from very early on that they
cannot assume that their basic requirements will be met by the
revolutionary process. The SCAF implored them to stop striking and
protesting and return to work to restore economic growth. Nonetheless,
strikes have persisted almost daily. There have been hundreds of strikes
and protests by workers this year despite the promulgation of a
draconian military decree in March establishing penalties of up to one
year in jail and a fine of up to $83,333 for participating in strikes
and protests that disturb production and public order. On Thursday five
workers at Petrojet were given one-year suspended prison sentences for
obstructing the entrance to offices of their employer, the Ministry of
Petroleum.
The suspended sentence suggests the delicate balance SCAF must maintain.
It seeks to minimize the political changes that occur under its watch
and until it can hand off power to a legitimate civilian government. But
it cannot repress all popular demands and remain legitimate in the eyes
of the people.
Only a few hundred people occupied Tahrir Square by the end of Friday.
The police, who were notable by their absence on July 1, posed no
obstacle to their remaining. A long-planned demonstration to push the
SCAF in the direction of more comprehensive changes and speedier
accountability is scheduled for next Friday, July 8. Egypt’s revolution
is very much a work in progress and the struggle among its political and
social forces remains undecided.
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