[Marxism] Israel's military courts aid occupation

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Sun Feb 19 12:13:54 MST 2012


NY Times February 18, 2012
Palestinian’s Trial Shines Light on Military Justice
By ISABEL KERSHNER

NABI SALEH, West Bank — A year ago, Islam Dar Ayyoub was a sociable 
ninth grader and a good student, according to his father, Saleh, a 
Palestinian laborer in this small village near Ramallah.

Then, one night in January 2011, about 20 Israeli soldiers surrounded 
the dilapidated Dar Ayyoub home and pounded vigorously on the door. 
Islam, who was 14 at the time, said he thought they had come for his 
older brother. Instead, they had come for him. He was blindfolded, 
handcuffed and whisked away in a jeep.

 From that moment, Islam’s childhood was over. Catapulted into the 
Israeli military justice system, an arm of Israel’s 44-year-old 
occupation of the West Bank, Islam became embroiled in a legal process 
as challenging and perplexing as the world in which he has grown up. The 
young man was interrogated and pressed to inform on his relatives, 
neighbors and friends.

The military justice system that overwhelmed Islam has come under 
increasing scrutiny for its often harsh, unforgiving methods. One 
Palestinian prisoner has been hospitalized because of a hunger strike in 
protest against being detained for months without trial. Human rights 
organizations have recently focused their criticism on the treatment of 
Palestinian minors, like Islam.

Now, as a grass-roots leader from Nabi Saleh stands trial, having been 
incriminated by Islam, troubling questions are being raised about these 
methods of the occupation.

It is the intimate nature of Islam’s predicament that makes this trial 
especially wrenching for the young man, his family and his community. 
Most of Nabi Saleh’s 500 residents belong to the same extended family. 
The leader on trial, Bassem Tamimi, 44, was Islam’s next-door neighbor. 
Islam was close friends with Mr. Tamimi’s son, Waed, a classmate. And 
Mr. Tamimi’s wife is a cousin of Islam’s mother.

“This case is legally flawed and morally tainted,” said Gaby Lasky, 
Islam’s Israeli lawyer. Islam is traumatized, she said, “not only 
because of what happened to him, but also what happened to others.”

After he was pulled from his home at night, Islam was taken to a nearby 
army base where, his lawyer said, he was left out in the cold for hours. 
In the morning, he was taken to the Israeli police for interrogation. 
Accused of throwing stones at Israeli soldiers inside the village, he 
was encouraged to identify other youths and the adult organizers of 
weekly protests here.

In a police videotape of Islam’s five-hour interrogation, the teenager 
is at times visibly exhausted. Alone and denied access to a lawyer for 
most of the period, he was partially cautioned three times about his 
rights but was never told directly that he had the right to remain silent.

Instead, the chief interrogator instructed him, “We want only the truth. 
You must tell everything that happened.”

The young man, who seemed eager to please his interrogators, described 
how village youths were organized into nine “brigades,” each assigned 
tasks like throwing stones, blocking roads and hurling unexploded 
tear-gas canisters back at the soldiers.

Soon, the arrests followed.

Mr. Tamimi was taken last March and is being held at the Ofer military 
prison. The charges against him include organizing unauthorized 
processions, solicitation to stone throwing and incitement to violence. 
Mr. Tamimi has proudly acknowledged that he organized what he called 
peaceful protests but denied ever having told anyone to throw stones.

Mr. Tamimi’s wife, Nariman, attended a recent court hearing with Waed.

Asked about Islam, her voice softened. “He is our neighbor,” she said. 
“The interrogation was very difficult. He was afraid. He is just a child.”

Another organizer that Islam identified for the authorities, Naji 
Tamimi, 49, spent a year in jail and is about to be released.

Islam also informed on Mu’tasim Khalil Tamimi, who was then 15, 
identifying him as a youth ringleader. Mu’tasim subsequently spent six 
months in jail; he, too, identified organizers of the protests.

Bassem Tamimi’s lawyer, Labib Habib, said that the testimony of the two 
minors formed “the essence of the case” against his client. The defense 
lawyers contend that the terms of the minors’ arrests and interrogations 
violated their rights, and that their testimony should be dismissed.

But an official in the office of Israel’s Military Advocate General, who 
was authorized to speak on the condition of anonymity, said the Nabi 
Saleh case was “a classic one of orchestrated riots that exploit children.”

The official denied that the case against Mr. Tamimi rested largely on 
Islam’s testimony, saying there were other witnesses.

Under the Israeli youth law, Islam’s treatment would be deemed illegal. 
Minors are generally allowed to have a parent or other relative present 
during interrogation, and there are strict rules about nighttime 
interrogations and other protections.

Most of these protections do not exist in the military system, though 
military appellate court judges have stated that the spirit of the youth 
law should apply whenever possible to Palestinians.

After Israel conquered the West Bank from Jordan in the 1967 war, it 
established military courts independent of the army command. They draw 
on Jordanian law, on the laws from the period of British rule and on a 
plethora of military orders issued over the past four decades.

The Israeli official said that the military was striving to close gaps 
between the two systems, but that the Israeli youth law could not be put 
into full effect in the West Bank because of the difficult conditions. 
Israel recently raised the age of majority for Palestinians to 18 from 
16, and it established the juvenile military court in 2009. But 
nighttime military operations were the only way to arrest Palestinian 
suspects, the official said, because summonses were routinely ignored 
and daytime arrests could set off confrontations.

Islam’s arrest came as part of a crackdown in Nabi Saleh. A few nights 
earlier, soldiers had raided the Dar Ayyoub home and other houses, 
photographing and taking details of all the men and boys. Days after 
Islam was taken, his younger brother, Karim, then 11, was seized by 
soldiers and held for hours at a police station on suspicion of throwing 
stones. Last month, during pretrial proceedings in the case against 
Islam, a juvenile military court judge acknowledged serious flaws in the 
interrogation but ruled his testimony admissible.

Sarit Michaeli of B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights organization, said 
that the youth judge could have taken a stand but had “failed this 
particular minor, and all the others.”

Islam spent two and a half months in prison before he was released to 
house arrest. Since September, he has been allowed out to go to school, 
which he now loathes. His father says he stays awake all night watching 
television, fearing that the soldiers will return.

In an interview at his home this month, Islam said he knew his rights, 
having once attended a workshop on interrogations in the village. But he 
said that he was told by an officer beforehand that rights would not 
help him. “I thought that if I spoke, they would release me,” he said.

Most of the villagers have shown understanding. Sometimes friends stop 
by for an hour or two. Waed is not among them.




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