[Marxism] Why We Must Support SYRIZA

Ralph Johansen mdriscollrj at charter.net
Thu Dec 11 16:14:55 MST 2014

James Creegan wrote

Louis wrote:

The problem is that those who have such insights are largely ignored by 
the masses. You have a small coalition of Marxist groups that will never 
have the kind of influence that Syriza does and the KKE, which attacks 
Syriza from the left but has not provided the kind of leadership that is 
so necessary. For the past nearly 50 years I have seen formally correct 
revolutionary critiques of "sell-out" parties but they never seem to 
amount to more than propaganda formations. I don't expect Syriza to lead 
the working class to socialism but it is necessary for it go through the 
experience of seeing it fail. There are many Greek Marxists who are in 
Syriza and would expect to see them move toward a more effective class 
struggle solution to the crisis but that will have to be based on its 
authority within the mass movement. Standing from on high lecturing the 
movement about its failings does not work unfortunately.

Yes, but during that same 50 years we have also seen a host of 
left-reformist governments ( Allende, Mitterand, Ortega) go down to 
defeat. The parties that led them there may not have been ignored by the 
masses, but failed more spectacularly than any sect could have. Did the 
masses draw revolutionary conclusions as a result of having "gone 
through" these defeats? Not that I've noticed. Why is Louis so anxious 
to trade in one failed set of politics
(sectarianism) for another (reformist cheerleading)?

One might argue for critical support of SYRIZA. But the operational word 
here should be "critical." Unless there is a party prepared to point out 
why electoral/reformist strategies are bound to fail BEFORE THE FACT, no 
one will ever raw the appropriate conclusions from their failure. The 
existence of such a party may not be a sufficient condition for a 
revolutionary advance, but it is a necessary one.

Jim Creegan

Meszaros's in his Power of Ideology writes with respect to the 
opportunism rife in the social democratic movement in the period leading 
up to WW1 (at p. 332):

"In truth, though, Rosa Luxemburg's perspective adopted as its center of 
reference some of the most fundamental issues (and difficulties) of the 
socialist project of emancipation. Accordingly, Luxemburg insisted that 
the test of viability of any particular measure devised to resolve in 
favor of the working classes the global antagonism between capital and 
labor can only be this: does it contribute (and to what extent) to the 
ultimate supersession of the social division of labor, or, on the 
contrary, does it contain the seeds of new contradictions that 
reproduce, even if in a new form, the structural hierarchies of super- 
and sub-ordination and the concomitant passivity and alienation of the 
broad masses of people. This is why the unavoidability of the socialist 
'economic revolution'  - a challenge incomparably greater than any 
possible anti-capitalist political revolution - figured so large in her 

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