[Marxism] Turkish economic woes

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Sat Feb 1 08:44:47 MST 2014

NY Times, Feb. 1 2014
A Leader Shows Vulnerability in Turkey’s Cash Crisis

ISTANBUL — First, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan criticized the 
bold move by Turkey’s central bank this week to raise interest rates 
sharply to halt the decline in the country’s currency, telling reporters 
that higher borrowing costs would lead to inflation — an argument that 
contravenes accepted economic logic.

Mr. Erdogan’s economic adviser, Yigit Bulut, then did little to reassure 
skittish investors, suggesting that the prime minister would do 
something that would be “very positive for the markets,” but did not say 
exactly what Mr. Erdogan’s plans were.

The remarks only added to jitters in financial markets, which have 
battered the Turkish stock market and in recent weeks sent the currency, 
the lira, to historic lows. While Turkey has suffered along with other 
developing nations from the “tapering” of bond purchases by the United 
States Federal Reserve and the threat of rising global interest rates, 
its problems go beyond that to basic questions about the stability of 
the government and its ability to grapple with the economy’s problems.

To some extent, Turkey and Mr. Erdogan are victims of their own success, 
having created an attractive investment climate that brought in billions 
in dollar-denominated lending, particularly after the financial crisis 
of 2008. Officials in Western capitals, including President Obama, came 
to see him as the prime example of a leader who could meld democratic 
values, Islam and economic prosperity.

But much of the money was funneled to a group of insiders who made 
fortunes while building malls and other developments that increasingly 
lacked sound economic underpinnings. Now, with bond investors fleeing 
and interest rates rising, Mr. Erdogan’s economic turnaround is in 
jeopardy of unraveling in a toxic stew of bad loans, accusations of 
cronyism and the appearance of seat-of-the-pants economic stewardship.

The first cracks in Mr. Erdogan’s aura of invincibility came in the 
summer, with violent street protests against yet another mall that was 
to replace a popular Istanbul park. Mr. Erdogan emerged from that with 
his image tarnished but his power seemingly intact.

But he was jolted once again in December by a sweeping corruption 
inquiry aimed at his inner circle. That continues to unfold, further 
chipping away at his power.

At the same time, his ambitious foreign policy, which sought to position 
Turkey as the leader of a region in turmoil, failed amid the continuing 
civil war in Syria, where Turkey has supported the rebels, and the 
collapse of the Muslim Brotherhood government in Egypt, an important 
ally that Mr. Erdogan enthusiastically supported.

The political attacks, economic instability and higher interest rates 
come at an inopportune time for Mr. Erdogan, as he and his 
Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party, known by its Turkish 
initials A.K.P., face a series of elections that will determine if he 
remains in power.

Local elections in March, and especially the contest for the influential 
post of mayor of Istanbul, will be the first test. In the summer, 
voters, for the first time, will cast their ballots in a nationwide 
election for president, a post Mr. Erdogan is hoping to capture.

Mr. Erdogan, a pious Muslim who has been in power for more than a 
decade, is Turkey’s longest-serving prime minister and, analysts say, 
its most consequential leader since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the secular 
founder of modern Turkey. Mr. Erdogan has burnished his power with his 
charisma and his appeal to the country’s religious masses, a previously 
oppressed class under Turkey’s former secular rulers.

But more than that, experts say, Mr. Erdogan owes his staying power atop 
Turkey’s political system to his stewardship of an economic boom that 
has elevated Turkey to the global stage.

“Ultimately, he’s popular because he’s done well with the economy,” said 
Murat Ucer, an economist at GlobalSource Partners, an economic research 
firm, and a former adviser to Turkey’s Economy Minstry. “And Turks, I 
think, will want to continue to get rich.”

Following a series of economic overhauls in the early 2000s, just before 
the A.K.P. came to power, Turkey’s economy surged by an average of more 
than 5 percent a year. Per capita income more than quadrupled over that 
time, to $11,000 a year from $2,500, according to Sinan Ulgen, the 
chairman of the Center for Economic and Foreign Policy Studies, a 
research organization in Istanbul.

With the boom in Turkey’s private sector, Mr. Erdogan’s government 
expanded social services, such as health care, and infrastructure, 
providing ordinary Turks with a sense of economic empowerment.

“Turks got to know what it means to be treated as a basic citizen, in 
many different ways,” Mr. Ucer said.
Launch media viewer
A sweeping corruption inquiry aimed at Mr. Erdogan’s inner circle 
continues to unfold. Ebrahim Noroozi/Associated Press

Even so, there was plenty of evidence, even before the recent 
instability, of cracks in Turkey’s economic facade.

Despite the impressive growth, unemployment, which has improved, 
remained relatively high at about 9 percent. An explosion of consumer 
credit in recent years has raised fears, even as it has powered a new 
consumer society and ensured that all the new shopping malls sprouting 
in Istanbul would have a steady flow of customers.

In November, the police captured a man near Mr. Erdogan’s office in 
Ankara, the Turkish capital, who appeared to be carrying a bomb.

At first, the police thought he was trying to assassinate the prime 
minister. But it turned out that the bomb was fake, and that the man was 
trying to stage a protest over his mounting credit card debt, which 
local news reports put at $17,000.

On Thursday night, a group of men loudly debated the economy in a cafe 
in Ortakoy, an Istanbul neighborhood on the shores of the Bosporus. One 
of the men, Levent Koray, a fruit stall owner, spoke about what he 
viewed as the diminishing economic prospects for men like him.

“For the last 10 years, because of the opportunities given to us by the 
prime minister, we could come to this cafe and play games freely while 
relaxing and talking about football, our children, our dreams, but now 
all we do is talk about our financial problems,” he said.

Big business, he said, has ultimately fared better under Mr. Erdogan, 
pushing out small players like him.

“Ten years ago, I was the fruit king of this district,” Mr. Koray said. 
“Now, my stall is in the shadows of three giant grocery chains that were 
given land by the government. People walk straight past me now.”

With the street protests, Mr. Erdogan was able to order a harsh police 
crackdown to restore order.

Mr. Erdogan has countered the corruption inquiry — believed to be led by 
followers of the exiled Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen, who have taken up 
posts in the police force and judiciary — by purging the state of police 
officials and prosecutors. But with the economy, with its reliance on 
foreign capital, Mr. Erdogan is largely powerless, forced for now to 
defend the currency with the higher interest rates he deplores.

“It’s almost unavoidable for Turkey to go through a protracted period of 
low growth,” Mr. Ulgen said.

Throughout these crises, Mr. Erdogan has been able to rely on the 
support of Turkey’s religious conservatives, who account for roughly 
half of the electorate. But now, in the midst of economic uncertainty, 
his popularity is slipping.

A poll released this week by Metropoll, an Ankara-based firm, showed Mr. 
Erdogan’s job approval at a historic low of 40 percent, compared with 48 
percent in December. In 2011, after winning a third term, his popularity 
rating stood at 71 percent.

Yet even more is at stake for Mr. Erdogan than his electoral hopes. His 
ambitious economic goals for Turkey to reach by 2023 — the 100th 
anniversary of the Turkish republic — are now in peril. Some of his 
grandest construction projects, like a third airport for Istanbul that 
officials have said would be the world’s largest, are in jeopardy.

“There is no economy to finance these projects anymore,” Mr. Ucer said. 
“A lot of these things will probably get shelved.”

Ceylan Yeginsu and Sebnem Arsu contributed reporting.

More information about the Marxism mailing list