[Marxism] Was Picasso a Nietzsche-inspired rightist?

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Thu Feb 13 07:12:32 MST 2014

That's more or less the argument of Marxist art historian T.J. Clark. 
The review below states:

But it is an argument with far-reaching consequences. If Clark is 
correct, and Picasso is Nietzsche’s painter, the one who 
Mediterraneanised painting, not just by embracing ‘brightness, 
lightness, cheerfulness, clarity – art on the balcony saying “yes” to 
the world’, but in the deeper sense of taking painting beyond truth and 
falsehood, good and evil, then that also has the effect of positioning 
Picasso’s work closer to the visual and philosophical rhetoric of the 
extreme right than ever before.


London Review of Books Vol. 36 No. 4 · 20 February 2014

Pure Mediterranean
Malcolm Bull

     Picasso and Truth: From Cubism to Guernica by T.J. Clark
     Princeton, 352 pp, £29.95, May 2013, ISBN 978 0 691 15741 2

‘There are the Alps,’ Basil Bunting wrote on the flyleaf of Ezra Pound’s 
Cantos, ‘you will have to go a long way round/if you want to avoid 
them.’ T.J. Clark is an Alpinist of distinction: Courbet, Manet, 
Pollock, Poussin, no foothills, no detours (apart from Lowry). And now 
Picasso. There are the Alps.

‘They don’t make sense,’ Bunting claimed. But Pound made sense. Some 
people still understand him. The members of CasaPound, Italia, for 
example, a far-right social centre inspired by the poet’s political 
message. One of them (Gianluca Casseri) shot two Senegalese street 
vendors in Florence in 2011. Had he got the wrong idea? According to the 
leader of CasaPound, he had rather. Racism is not the answer: Mussolini 
had a Jewish minister of finance in 1933. ‘Our Mediterranean culture,’ 
claimed the man from CasaPound, ‘was always a melting pot of diverse 

But for Pound, the Mediterranean was not so inclusive. Its culture was 
‘untouched by the two maladies, the Hebrew disease, the Hindu disease’. 
Only between these diseases was there ‘Mediterranean sanity’, seen in 
the proportions of Romanesque architecture, which set the standard in 
both art and politics. Manet passed the test, and so did Mussolini: ‘You 
ought to go down on your knees and … thank God an Italian, possessed of 
Mediterranean sanity, showed the first ray of light in the general 

Clark quotes Bunting’s poem in the opening paragraph of his latest book, 
but after that, he scarcely refers to Pound again. After all, what has 
Picasso, the painter of Guernica, to do with the traitor shrivelling in 
his Pisan cage? Nothing, it would seem. But to those who survived them, 
the terrors of modernism and fascism were sometimes difficult to keep apart.

In an interview with Bruno Latour, Michel Serres talks about his boyhood 
in France in the 1930s: ‘The return to savagery – to the Minotaur, for 
Max Ernst, to Picasso’s paganism – I still see these today as the 
atrocious forces unleashed on society during that era … my generation 
still sees Guernica falling on painting … the way the Nazi planes 
bombarded the town.’ Latour, slightly bemused: ‘You’re saying that these 
works are symptoms of the evil and not an analysis of those symptoms?’ 
‘Yes,’ Serres replies, ‘symptoms and not reactions.’

In the interwar period many leading figures of European modernism 
positioned themselves on the radical or reactionary right: D’Annunzio 
and the Futurists; Wyndham Lewis, Eliot and Yeats, as well as Pound; in 
France, Braque, Le Corbusier and the former Fauvists. All of this is 
well known, but there is a tendency to see political alignment as being 
to some degree extraneous to literary or artistic achievement. The idea 
that major works of modernism might somehow be considered symptomatic of 
the history of fascism, broadly conceived, is rarely countenanced. To 
entertain this possibility, it is necessary to think back to a time when 
fascism could still be associated with pleasure rather than perversity, 
and accept that when, in 1927, a friend wrote to Picasso from 
Salsomaggiore that here was ‘Italy at its purest, its richest, 
liveliest, most fascist’, ‘fascist’ was not necessarily the odd word 
out. As Camus noted a decade later, fascism didn’t wear the same face in 
Italy as in Germany: ‘What you see first in a German is the Hitlerian 
who greets you with a “Heil Hitler”. In an Italian, it is the man, 
affable and cheerful.’

That was, as Camus put it, the ‘miracle of the Mediterranean’. It was 
the miracle that Nietzsche had experienced too: ‘The return to nature, 
health, cheerfulness, youth, virtue!’ To capture that experience, 
Nietzsche proclaimed, ‘il faut méditerraniser la musique.’ Right from 
the start, Mussolini had recognised the significance of this. Nietzsche 
was not really German, he was ‘too southern, too Mediterranean’. The 
Italian racial scientist Giuseppe Sergi might have developed the idea of 
a ‘Mediterranean race’, but Mussolini acknowledged that races were 
perhaps in some sense elective. As for himself, Mussolini said: ‘I have 
chosen the Mediterranean race, and here I have a formidable ally in 

Of course, Nietzsche did not invent the Mediterranean by himself. The 
idea of a distinctive Mediterranean or Latin civilisation had several 
sources: one was anti-German sentiment in France, fuelled by the 
Franco-Prussian conflict and the First World War; another was the 
aesthetic of neoclassicism as a reaction to romanticism and symbolism; 
and a third was Provençal and Catalan regionalism, which claimed a 
Mediterranean identity in contradistinction to the national characters 
of France and Spain. All of these were relevant to Picasso, and the 
affinity between Picasso and the Mediterranean or Latin ideal was 
recognised by both Spanish and French commentators throughout his career.

 From 1906 onwards, the Catalan critic Eugeni D’Ors was promoting ‘the 
Mediterraneanisation of all contemporary art’, and Picasso’s work often 
seemed to be in keeping with this ambition, not just during the summer 
of 1906, when it gravitated towards the classical values of D’Ors’s 
Noucentisme, but his cubist work as well, which D’Ors interpreted as a 
step in the direction of a Mediterranean ‘structuralism’. In France, the 
context was different, but the judgments similar. Apollinaire identified 
cubism and futurism with ‘Latin civilisation’, and Picasso’s heavy 
neoclassicism of the 1920s (partly inspired by Maillol’s female figure 
of 1902-5 variously known as Latin Thought, or The Mediterranean) was 
widely interpreted in terms of Cocteau’s conservative ‘return to order’. 
It was no wonder that in the 1930s D’Ors linked Picasso not to Spanish 
artists but to Italians like Giorgio de Chirico and Gino Severini. 
‘Whether you are, in fact, an Italian, or a Malagan, or a Catalan,’ 
D’Ors wrote in an open letter to Picasso, ‘you are in every way a pure 

The fit was not perfect. Picasso never liked being pigeonholed and tried 
to distance himself from Nietzsche’s followers. By 1930, the fascist 
critic Waldemar George, who had championed cubism, had begun to feel 
that Picasso’s works were unsuited to becoming ‘the foci of a 
Mediterranean civilisation’. But there can be little doubt that the 
overarching context for the reception of Picasso’s work in the first 
four decades of the century was the Mediterranean one – in varying 
degrees, neoclassical, Nietzschean and reactionary. Despite all its 
dramatic stylistic changes, the artist’s work never completely leaves 
that frame.

And that is where Clark situates Picasso too. In Beyond Good and Evil, 
Nietzsche had dreamed of a music that would not fade away ‘at the sight 
of the voluptuous blue sea and the brightness of the Mediterranean sky … 
A music whose rarest magic would consist in its no longer knowing 
anything of good and evil … an art that from a great distance would 
behold, fleeing toward it, the colours of a setting moral world that had 
almost become unintelligible.’ According to Clark, that is what Picasso 

     … a fight to death with morality. For if the world is true or 
false, it is also good or evil. And these terms, which for Nietzsche now 
stand in the way of human awakening, must disappear – together. Do we 
not see them disappearing – burning up in the fire of imagination – in 
Guitar and Mandolin on a Table? Is not Picasso Nietzsche’s painter?

‘Nude on a Black Armchair’ (1932).
‘Nude on a Black Armchair’ (1932).

Focused on half a dozen paintings from the interwar years, Picasso and 
Truth is suffused throughout with the sombre glory of Nietzsche’s 
twilight. Eloquent, confrontational and often disarmingly simple, 
Clark’s writing moves quickly between levels, the metaphors heavy, the 
descriptions light. Take this account of Nude on a Black Armchair (1932):

     Touch – the imagination of contact and softness and curvature – is 
consumed in the Nude on Black Armchair by something else: a higher, 
shallower, in the end more abstract visuality, which will never be 
anyone’s property. The nude’s near hand, holding on to the clawlike 
white flower, is an emblem of this: fingers and petals become pure 
(predatory) silhouette. The body’s pale mauve is as otherworldly a 
colour – as unlocatable on the spectrum of flesh tone – as the yellow 
and orange in the sky. Maybe in the picture night is falling. The blue 
wall to the left is icy cold. The woman’s blonde hair is sucked 
violently into a vortex next to her breast. Blacks encase her as if for 
eternity. The rubber plant tries to escape through the window.

Invited to reflect on the differing properties of the tactile and the 
visual, the reader unexpectedly ends up the witness to a crime. We know 
the time, we can describe the room. The disembodied gaze was ours as 
well. We saw it all.

Clark’s descriptions of paintings often have a shocking immediacy – 
should that be ‘complicity’? – so arresting that it is difficult to move 
beyond them to the arguments they sustain. But his book does advance an 
ambitious thesis founded on the idea that the spatial properties of 
Picasso’s paintings can be equated with the categories of Nietzschean 
philosophy. On this view, cubism is the final example of the 
truth-fixated asceticism of the 19th century, while Picasso’s work of 
the 1920s and 1930s represents his liberation from it.

For Nietzsche, the ascetic impulse was a form of ‘internalisation’ 
because ‘all instincts that do not discharge themselves outwardly, turn 
themselves inward.’ The objective correlative of this internalisation is 
what Clark calls ‘room space’, by which he means not just that cubist 
painting is almost always staged indoors, in the studio, with everything 
to hand, but that the picture itself is conceived as creating a space, 
however shallow, for things to be ‘in’. In this context, ‘the 
introjection of outside into interior’ becomes ‘the sign of an art no 
longer under truth’s auspices’.

‘Guitar and Mandolin on a Table’ (1924).
‘Guitar and Mandolin on a Table’ (1924).

Cubism eventually opened up to the world, quite literally in the case of 
all the windows Picasso painted in the summer of 1919. And in Guitar and 
Mandolin on a Table (1924) that openness to the outside transforms the 
familiar objects of cubist still life themselves: ‘The outside has 
really come to them, in from the window. It has touched these objects … 
They have become outsides. Outsides are all they are. Internalisation, 
to use Nietzsche’s great bad word, cannot lay a hand on them.’ And the 
art of the end of internalisation is here just as Nietzsche envisaged 
it, ‘a kind of comedy. Mediterranean brightness and frivolity; 
Aristophanes hooting Plato off the stage’.

This is a strange, slightly convoluted argument (note the none too 
dainty pirouette on the word ‘outside’, for example), yet in many ways 
it is very persuasive. In 1923, Picasso was spouting Nietzscheanisms 
like ‘art is a lie … that allows us to form an aesthetic point of view 
on life,’ and it makes sense to discuss the work in light of them. Clark 
does this with such extraordinary patience and skill – not reading 
Nietzsche into the work, but drawing his interpretations of paintings 
out of Nietzsche – that by the end of the book Picasso’s instinctive 
Nietzscheanism seems like the inescapable presupposition of any serious 
reckoning with the artist.

But it is an argument with far-reaching consequences. If Clark is 
correct, and Picasso is Nietzsche’s painter, the one who 
Mediterraneanised painting, not just by embracing ‘brightness, 
lightness, cheerfulness, clarity – art on the balcony saying “yes” to 
the world’, but in the deeper sense of taking painting beyond truth and 
falsehood, good and evil, then that also has the effect of positioning 
Picasso’s work closer to the visual and philosophical rhetoric of the 
extreme right than ever before.

There is no acknowledgment of that here, however. In Clark’s account, 
Nietzsche is decontextualised, and all reference to the contemporary 
political inflection of Mediterraneanism excluded. But in the 1930s, 
many of the aesthetic judgments Clark is making were heavily coded in 
racial or cultural terms. ‘Untruth lacks depth, above all,’ he writes. 
‘That is what Nietzsche and Picasso loved best about it.’ But Clark 
gives no hint that the surface/depth opposition was one that even Ortega 
y Gasset (no friend of Mediterraneanism) conceded to be ‘an essential 
difference between Germanic and Latin cultures’ because ‘the latter is 
the culture of surfaces.’

‘Three Dancers’ (1925).
‘Three Dancers’ (1925).

The right’s stranglehold on the Mediterranean was sometimes contested. 
The young Camus, speaking in Algiers in 1937, was trying his best to 
wrest the idea from the hands of Action Française and Mussolini. But 
that isn’t what Clark presents Picasso as doing. It is essential to his 
argument that we come to see Picasso’s Mediterranean as Nietzsche’s 
Mediterranean, and his most bravura passages are designed to fix that 
connection in the reader’s mind. Nowhere is this more true than in his 
account of Three Dancers, or Young Girls Dancing (as Clark prefers to 
call it), of 1925. Art historians like Christopher Green have tried to 
distance Picasso from the rightist nexus of Mediterraneanism by pointing 
out that he embraced the primitive in a way that would have been 
anathema to George and other advocates of Latinity. But the 
Mediterranean had its own primitive side. It supplied not just the 
Apollonian face of fascism, Pound’s ‘Mediterranean sanity’, but the 
Dionysian one as well. Clark calls it ‘nameless wildness’, and sees it 
embodied in the dancer on the left of the three whose ‘upper body twists 
back on itself so dangerously that the sky through the window seems to 
come right through her, through a hole in her chest, with a strange red 
and white bull’s eye sizzling in the middle of the blue’. For Clark, the 
‘women are demons’ and the painting as a whole ‘is terrible, or 
terrifying … For the terror – this is my thesis – has to do with 
Untruth: with what art has to be if Truth is no longer its province.’ 
That is the reason for this ‘nameless wildness’, that is why she is 
dancing: ‘Isn’t she the lie personified – the lie hallowing itself, the 
untrue (the made up) unfolding itself as the way things are?’

Yes, but with one proviso according to Clark. As Nietzsche acknowledges, 
untruth, or ‘will to power’, always needs some form of resistance to 
overcome. Untruth, in Picasso, is unspace, which can exist only ‘as the 
opposite of a distinct shape of space, a specific play of background and 
foreground’. And so, for Picasso, the room becomes the figure of that 
resistance. In the Three Dancers:

     There is a wild outside to existence, certainly, but it is threaded 
through the life that we have, as a reality we shall never be master or 
mistress of. And that reality too can be represented, as ‘sleep and 
dream, shadows, the night’. Or better – as blue. Blue is regularly the 
figure in life of indifference, apartness, infinite distance, 
non-humanness. But it is here with us, inside the room. We can dance it. 
We can wrap ourselves around it. We can dance it to death.

It is an astonishing passage, an unforgettable evocation of painting. 
But it has much the same implication (and the same insistent rhythm) as 
Julius Evola’s Nietzschean vision of Mediterranean fascism in the first 
edition of Pagan Imperialism (1928):

     We must reawaken ourselves … to the world not as a philosophical 
concept, but as something that pulses in the rhythm of our own blood, 
the sensation of the world as power, the sensation of the world as the 
free, agile, rhythmic dance of Shiva, the sensation of the world as a 
sacrificial act.

Evola, an Italian Dadaist painter turned fascist esotericist (still much 
read at CasaPound), had another name for this ‘Mediterranean tradition’. 
It was Mithra, the ‘ruler of the sun’, the ‘killer of the bull’, the 
symbol of those who ‘are able to go beyond good and evil, lack, longing 
and passion’. The Mithraic cult had predated Christianity and been 
suppressed by it, but now it had re-emerged in Nietzsche, and all who 
yearn for ‘a life of light, freedom and power’. Picasso had no 
connection to Evola, but he said he enjoyed bullfighting because it gave 
him a thrill ‘to witness the survival of a Mithraic cult’. And the 
fascisant novelist Henry de Montherlant (with whom Picasso had planned 
to republish Pepe Hillo’s Tauromaquia) agreed. He had converted to 
Mithraism in 1926, and maintained that ‘the cult of Mithra was as alive 
today as ever.’

Whatever you make of this nonsense, it is surely relevant to Bataille’s 
essay on Picasso in the issue of Documents devoted to the artist in 
1930. Distinguishing between the beautiful sun that stands elevated in 
the sky, and the rotten sun that blinds and maddens when scrutinised, he 
equated the former with academic painting and the latter with the 
Mithraic cult and with Picasso, the one artist to represent its 
‘blinding brilliance’ and ‘unheard-of violence’. If what Bataille says 
is true, we are right back with Michel Serres. But how can Guernica 
possibly be considered a symptom rather than a reaction?

It has often been noted that Guernica seems to conjure with Bataille’s 
hallucinatory vision: Picasso’s transformation of the sun (visible in 
the second state of the painting) into an electric bulb echoes 
Bataille’s claim that the scrutinised sun becomes ‘the horror emanating 
from a brilliant arc lamp’. But there is more. Like Mithra, the fallen 
warrior holds a Roman sword, and (in the second state) he holds up to 
the sun a fistful of wheat – an uncanny echo of Montherlant’s claim that 
Mithra’s brutal act of killing gives rise to wheat and ‘all the 
treasures of the earth’.

In Guernica, however, it isn’t the killing of the bull that gives rise 
to new life, but of the warrior. Bataille had claimed that the 
sacrificial bull became the sun only with its throat slit. But Picasso 
could easily conceive of Bataille’s bloodthirsty scenario the other way 
round. In a text of 1943 he imagines a neck ‘sliced … by the poisonous 
hands of the sun’, and in Guernica the fallen warrior ends up as a 
decapitated statue. If anything, Guernica looks like Mithraic sacrifice 
with the roles reversed. But that, as the contemporary critic Carl 
Einstein acknowledged, was what Picasso did best: ‘seeing the world from 
both its poles at once, dividing himself in two … between simultaneous 
opposites’. Did that apply to politics as well?

Of Picasso’s political allegiances there is little to say. When Spain 
still had a monarchy, he said he was a monarchist. When Franco’s 
rebellion began, he supported the government. After the Liberation of 
Paris, recognising its role in the Resistance, he joined the French 
Communist Party. Kahnweiler said Picasso was the most apolitical man he 
ever met, and he may have been right. In 1934, Picasso accepted an 
invitation from the Falangist avant-garde in San Sebastián to meet José 
Antonio Primo de Rivera, future leader of the Falange, and the son of 
the military dictator during the last years of the monarchy. Picasso 
told him that his father had been the only Spanish politician ever to 
show him any respect. But the Republican government eventually did 
better than that: it offered him the directorship of the Prado, and as 
the war turned against the Republic, Picasso was persuaded to make ever 
more explicit statements in its favour.

But that narrative doesn’t necessarily define the ways in which Guernica 
is a political painting. It was made for propaganda purposes, but as 
Picasso said, ‘If I were a shoemaker, royalist or communist’ – not 
random alternatives in his case – ‘I would not necessarily hammer my 
shoes in a special way to show my politics.’ And as Marxist critics of 
the 1940s were quick to point out, if Guernica is meant to represent the 
Spanish Civil War, then one side is conspicuously missing. They were 
right. Although Picasso momentarily considered the idea of including the 
overtly leftist symbol of a raised arm and clenched fist, he quickly 
rejected it.

It’s said that Picasso used to give reproductions of Guernica to Germans 
who visited his studio in Paris during the Occupation: testament, no 
doubt, to his sense of humour, but also to the ambiguity of the image. 
The painting doesn’t actually show a German outrage against a civilian 
population, or even a confrontation between left and right. On the 
nationalist side, the Spanish Civil War was widely interpreted as a war 
to preserve Latin civilisation against the Mongol hordes of the 
Republic. But in Guernica, the Mediterranean is found on both sides. 
Almost every motif in the painting is drawn from Picasso’s earlier work, 
and it is full of classical elements – not just the sword, and the lamp, 
and the mask-like features of the woman who holds the lamp, but the 
central figures themselves. The running woman is the exhausted victor of 
The Race (1922), which depicts two women running on the beach. As the 
composition evolves, the fallen warrior becomes a broken antique statue, 
a reminder that, in Picasso’s series of etchings of 1937, The Dream and 
Lie of Franco, Franco had started by taking a pickaxe to a classical 
bust. But the aggressor in Guernica, the bull which, so Picasso claimed, 
stands, if not for fascism, at least for ‘brutality and darkness’, is 
another enduring symbol of the Mediterranean, a fusion of Picasso’s 
Minotaur and the protagonists of the bullfights of the early 1930s. In 
these circumstances, to ask whether the painting takes sides seems 
irrelevant. Both sides are the same side: the Mediterranean is at war 
with itself.

How far is the argument going to go? Guernica, the greatest masterpiece 
of fascist art? Maybe not, but how much of it would have to be repainted 
to fit that description? Try to imagine, for a moment, what the greatest 
achievement of Mediterranean painting might have looked like: an image 
that invoked the elevated sun of neoclassicism and the rotten sun of 
Mithra, Apollo and Dionysus, the dancing on the beach and the dancing in 
the bullring, and brought them all together in a brutal, cataclysmic 
collision. Only one artist could have painted it. And only one of his 
paintings comes close to achieving it.

Perhaps Guernica is best seen as a consummate piece of political 
appropriation. If so, there was a context for it: surfascisme, a word 
coined by one of the members of Contre-Attaque (Bataille’s anti-fascist 
group) to capture the idea that fascism could only be overcome by being 
assimilated and surpassed. Picasso would not have embraced anything so 
programmatic, but Guernica, painted in the studio where Contre-Attaque 
used to meet, and photographed by Picasso’s lover Dora Maar, a former 
member of the group, emerged from the same milieu. The only difference 
was that in Picasso’s case he could appropriate all the materials he 
needed from himself.

Clark will have none of this, but it is closer to his interpretation of 
Picasso than he allows. Like his account of Three Dancers, his reading 
of Guernica hinges on its depiction of space. The presupposition of the 
argument is that in the mid-1930s, in Picasso’s return to classicism and 
in his depictions of bullfights, he had begun ‘to make the outside world 
his own. Sometimes it was the open space of the bullring, sometimes it 
was the terrain vague of myth … a token exterior has won.’ That outside 
is all too present in Picasso’s initial thoughts about Guernica. He 
envisaged the scene taking place outdoors, ‘at the edge of the town or 
maybe a small plaza’. But as the weeks go by Guernica takes on certain 
features of room space, and it ends up looking ‘contained and intimate’. 
However, the space is no longer flooded with light from an open window. 
It is a space in which the ‘outside’ is something absolutely foreign, 
made present as ‘inruption, instantaneity, horror’.

In many respects, this reading appears to be an elaborate gloss on 
Clement Greenberg’s memorable description of Guernica as looking like ‘a 
battle scene from a pediment that had been flattened out under a 
defective steamroller – in other words as if conceived within an 
illusion of space deeper than that in which it was actually executed’. 
If that is what Clark has in mind, it would confirm the suspicion that 
‘room space’ has, all along, been a homely Heideggerian way of talking 
about the shallow pictorial depth that formalist critics like Greenberg 
(and Clark himself, in earlier books) called flatness, and specified as 
the defining characteristic of modernist painting.

In the discussion of Guernica, however, room space doesn’t just signify 
flatness, but ‘flatness finding its feet’, by which Clark means that the 
figures are simultaneously flattened and grounded, placed at a ground 
level that is ‘neither outside nor in, exactly, but the floor of a world 
as it might be the very instant “world” was destroyed’. And to have done 
that, to have made a little room for the human, even at a moment of 
utmost extremity, even at the very end of the world: that, Clark claims, 
is ‘enough’.

But is it? The demon that room space is called on to contain, the demon 
that Clark calls ‘nameless wildness’ or ‘outside’, is known by other 
names as well. Associated, in Clark’s account, with classicism, and 
bullfights, and myth, and terror, it is what commentators of the 1930s 
would have recognised as the Mediterranean tradition – or fascism for 
short. In which case, Picasso and Truth ends up showing something that 
it doesn’t set out to say: namely, that far from being irrelevant to the 
achievements of those who espoused it, the culture of fascism 
encompassed and shaped the achievements even of those who did not. And 
if that is how the Alps were made, even Greenberg’s defective 
steamroller won’t flatten them.

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