[Marxism] Israel Quietly Legalizes Pirate Outposts in the West Bank

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Wed Aug 31 06:59:40 MDT 2016


NY Times, August 31 2016
Israel Quietly Legalizes Pirate Outposts in the West Bank
By ISABEL KERSHNERAUG. 30, 2016

MITZPE DANNY, West Bank — One night in the fall of 1998, a 
self-professed “outpost entrepreneur” brought three trailers to a rugged 
hilltop in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and established his first 
pirate settlement.

Dozens of youthful supporters came to cheer on the entrepreneur, Shimon 
Riklin, whose wife, newborn and toddler joined him a few days later. A 
second family also moved in. To their initial surprise, nobody from the 
military or government came to remove them. “After six months,” Mr. 
Riklin said in a recent interview, “I understood it was a done deal.”

They named their outpost Mitzpe Danny, after a British immigrant stabbed 
to death by a Palestinian at the settlement across the highway, and went 
on over the next few months to help establish Mitzpe Hagit and then Neve 
Erez a short drive away. “I jumped from hill to hill,” Mr. Riklin said.

Today, more than 40 Orthodox Jewish families live in Mitzpe Danny, one 
of a string of outposts on a strategic ridge with breathtaking views 
southwest to Jerusalem’s Mount of Olives and east all the way to Jordan. 
They are part of an expansive network of about 100 outposts established 
mostly over the past two decades without government authorization.

At least one-third of these have either been retroactively legalized or 
— like Mitzpe Danny — are on their way, in what anti-settlement groups 
that track the process see as a quiet but methodical effort by the 
government to change the map of the West Bank, now in its 50th year 
under Israeli occupation, by entrenching the outposts that spread like 
fingers across it.

With the Israeli-Palestinian peace process dormant and the international 
community increasingly suspicious of the right-wing Israeli government’s 
commitment to the eventual establishment of a Palestinian state, the 
outposts are being seized on as evidence that the conflict may be 
impossible to unwind. In its July report, the so-called Quartet of 
Middle East peacemakers — made up of the United States, the European 
Union, the United Nations and Russia — listed it as a trend “imperiling 
the viability of the two-state solution.”

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who was in his first term when Mitzpe 
Danny was founded, has since endorsed the idea of a Palestinian state 
alongside Israel, and said that his government would not build new 
settlements or expropriate land for existing ones. But Ziv Stahl, the 
research director at Yesh Din, one of the left-wing advocacy groups, 
said “they are authorizing them in disguise.”

Israel, Ms. Stahl said, has tried to avoid international censure by 
registering outposts like Mitzpe Danny as “neighborhoods” of established 
settlements, though some are far apart and function as separate communities.

Pointing to other Israeli measures, including the demolitions of 
unauthorized Palestinian structures in the West Bank, she added, “We see 
it as a very gradual move toward annexation.”

Asked about the legalization of outposts — and the international 
criticism — Mr. Netanyahu’s spokesman, David Keyes, did not respond 
directly, but instead turned the question to the Palestinian leaders’ 
stance that no settlements could remain in the West Bank under a future 
deal.

“The frequently echoed Palestinian demand to ethnically cleanse their 
future state of Jews,” Mr. Keyes said via email, “is outrageous, immoral 
and antithetical to peace.”

Illegal, Then Legal

The outposts are strategically located alongside more than 120 
settlements that were formally approved by Israel, and are home to a 
fraction of the West Bank’s 350,000 Jewish settlers.

One group stretches east of Shilo, like beads on a chain: Shvut Rahel, 
Adei Ad, Ahiya, Kida, Esh Kodesh. These outposts command the hilltops 
between Palestinian villages like Qusra, Jalud, Al-Mughayyer and Duma, 
the scene of last year’s deadly arson attack in which one young Israeli 
has been charged with murder and another with conspiracy.

Rabbah Hazameh, a Palestinian whose family owns olive orchards and 
agricultural fields in the area, said that settlers prevented him and 
his relatives from working their land close to Adei Ad, and that trees 
had been damaged and poisoned. He said that his uncle had submitted 86 
complaints to the Israeli police over the years, but “nothing happened.”

While most of the world considers all of these settlements a violation 
of international law, Israel itself makes distinctions, including 
whether they sit on privately owned Palestinian land and whether they 
had government approval for construction.

A government-commissioned 2005 survey by Talia Sasson, a former state 
prosecutor, counted at least 105 outposts that were established in 
“blatant violation of the law” and called for “drastic steps,” including 
the immediate removal of those on private lands.

But in 2012, Mr. Netanyahu commissioned another panel that came to 
starkly different conclusions.

Led by Edmund Levy, a retired Israeli Supreme Court justice, this report 
concluded that the West Bank is not actually occupied — in part because 
Jordan’s previous 19-year hold there was never internationally 
recognized — and that there was no impediment to approving outposts that 
were built on state land with what it called the “implied agreement” of 
senior Israeli officials. The Levy report, though, upheld the Israeli 
policy that settlements on private Palestinian land are illegal.

Under international pressure, Israel has repeatedly pledged to remove 
unauthorized outposts. But it has also tried to salvage some, even on 
private land, such as Amona, which is scheduled to be dismantled by Dec. 
25 under an order of Israel’s Supreme Court. The residents of another 
such outpost, Migron, which Mr. Riklin also helped establish, were moved 
in 2012 to temporary homes on nearby public land.

Mr. Netanyahu’s government in 2011 had already quietly introduced what 
it called a new “combined policy.” The idea was that Israel would remove 
settlement structures built on privately owned Palestinian land, but, in 
areas that Israel has declared as state land, would instead “regulate 
the planning status” — or, in other words, legalize construction after 
the fact.

Cautious and Ambiguous Process

The first indications of changes in status of specific outposts have 
mostly emerged in the Israeli government’s responses to court petitions 
by anti-settlement groups.

This was the case late last year, when the Israeli Supreme Court 
dismissed a petition for the demolition of an illegal structure in 
Mitzpe Danny after the state told the court that it was advancing a 
process to authorize the outpost.

The court cited an October 2015 decision of an Israeli planning 
committee to promote an old master plan for Jewish population growth in 
that area.

Mitzpe Danny is defined in the plan as a “neighborhood” of Ma’ale 
Michmash, the mother settlement across the highway, though part of the 
outpost lies outside the settlement’s broadest boundaries. According to 
the blueprint, Mitzpe Danny is projected to accommodate 189 permanent 
homes by 2040.

The outpost lacks the kind of detailed urban plan required to be fully 
authorized by Israel, and the court acknowledged that the planning 
process was moving slowly. But Peace Now, another anti-settlement group, 
says at least 20 outposts have already completed the planning process or 
have detailed plans in the works with the defense minister’s approval; 
14 others are in the pipeline.

Hagit Ofran, the director of Peace Now’s settlement watch program, said 
the government’s message was “build and we will sort it out retroactively.”

The Defense Ministry and the Civil Administration — the arm of the 
Israeli military that deals with civilian affairs in the West Bank — 
declined to discuss the outposts or provide any data about their status. 
Settler leaders said they also struggled to get information about how 
many outposts were being legalized. “I am not sure if it is a third or 
half or 100 percent,” said Oded Revivi, the chief foreign envoy of the 
Yesha Council, which represents settlers.

Most of the approval process takes place cautiously and with a degree of 
ambiguity. Mr. Riklin, the founder of Mitzpe Danny and its neighboring 
outposts, described it as “all cat and mouse” between Mr. Netanyahu and 
President Obama, who has consistently said any settlement expansion is 
an obstacle to peace.

Yigal Dilmoni, the deputy chief executive of the settler council, said 
that groups like Peace Now have actually done settlers a favor by suing 
the state because those cases often force the government to commit to a 
position. After one court petition led to government authorization of 
illegal building in a settlement and an outpost, the council sent Peace 
Now flowers.

The note accompanying the bouquet said, “We will happily consider naming 
a street ‘Peace Now’ in the new neighborhoods.”

Going Out of the Fences

Ariel Sharon, in 1998, as Israel’s foreign minister, had urged the 
settlers to “run and grab” the West Bank hilltops. But there was nothing 
haphazard about the outpost project.

Ms. Sasson’s 2005 survey outlined how officials in the housing, defense 
and other ministries worked systematically to establish the new 
settlement points, financing them and helping provide infrastructure.

Settler groups had drawn up the first plans for Mitzpe Danny — which 
like many outposts straddles public and private land, according to the 
Sasson survey — in the early 1990s. It sits above a winding route named 
for Yigal Allon, an Israeli general and Labor Party politician who, soon 
after the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, advocated Israeli withdrawal from 
most areas of the West Bank that were densely populated by Palestinians 
while keeping strategic territory along the Jordan Valley.

Mr. Riklin and other activists went into action as Mr. Netanyahu, during 
his first term, was negotiating a 1998 accord ceding additional West 
Bank land that Israel had captured from Jordan in the 1967 war to the 
fledgling Palestinian Authority.

“I felt there weren’t enough settlers in Judea and Samaria to ensure the 
future of the settlements,” said Mr. Riklin, now 53 and a strident 
pro-settler voice in the Israeli news media, referring to the West Bank 
by its biblical name. “We felt we had to go out of the fences.”

Danny Frei, the slain British immigrant for whom the outpost was named, 
had been Mr. Riklin’s neighbor in Ma’ale Michmash. He was a 28-year-old 
computer engineer who was killed in his home while his 18-month-old 
daughter slept.

About two weeks after Mr. Riklin and his friends arrived to take over 
the hilltop, the Binyamin Council — the regional government authority 
that now covers 50 settlements and outposts in the area — provided 
generators and water in tankers. Mr. Riklin said the housing minister 
also showed up and asked what he needed. He described an atmosphere of 
“euphoria.”

The outpost now has dozens of trailers, as well as a few spacious, 
stone-clad houses and a new basketball court in a crevice not easily 
visible from the highway. There is a kindergarten and a playground that 
were guarded by a soldier on a recent day. Its residents include a 
lawyer, an architect and teachers.

At a scenic lookout point, an audio system describes Jewish settlement 
of the area as the fulfillment of Jeremiah’s prophecy: “Thy children 
shall return to their border.”

Mr. Riklin, the outpost’s founder, ultimately remained in Ma’ale 
Michmash. The current leaders of the outpost refused to be interviewed 
for this article.

Yehuda Naamad, 30, who works in a spice shop, moved to Mitzpe Danny from 
Jerusalem two years ago “for the space,” he said. This month, he moved 
again, to another trailer home in the settlement of Hemdat in the Jordan 
Valley, where building plans were recently approved after a 19-year freeze.

“I believe this is our land,” he said of the West Bank, adding, “God 
brought us back. God writes our history.” Of the Palestinians, he said, 
“Whoever accepts us can live here comfortably.”

Mr. Naamad was not fazed by the wait for a permanent home. “It is 
written that redemption evolves slowly,” he said. “Like nature. Like an 
olive tree.”




More information about the Marxism mailing list