[Marxism] The Global Machine Behind the Rise of Far-Right Nationalism
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Sun Aug 11 10:31:45 MDT 2019
NY Times, August 11, 2019
The Global Machine Behind the Rise of Far-Right Nationalism
By Jo Becker
RINKEBY, Sweden — Johnny Castillo, a Peruvian-born neighborhood watchman
in this district of Stockholm, still puzzles over the strange events
that two years ago turned the central square of this predominantly
immigrant community into a symbol of multiculturalism run amok.
First came a now-infamous comment by President Trump, suggesting that
Sweden’s history of welcoming refugees was at the root of a violent
attack in Rinkeby the previous evening, even though nothing had actually
“You look at what’s happening last night in Sweden. Sweden! Who would
believe this? Sweden!” Mr. Trump told supporters at a rally on Feb. 18,
2017. “They took in large numbers. They’re having problems like they
never thought possible.”
The president’s source: Fox News, which had excerpted a short film
promoting a dystopian view of Sweden as a victim of its asylum policies,
with immigrant neighborhoods crime-ridden “no-go zones.”
But two days later, as Swedish officials were heaping bemused derision
on Mr. Trump, something did in fact happen in Rinkeby: Several dozen
masked men attacked police officers making a drug arrest, throwing rocks
and setting cars ablaze.
And it was right around that time, according to Mr. Castillo and four
other witnesses, that Russian television crews showed up, offering to
pay immigrant youths “to make trouble” in front of the cameras.
“They wanted to show that President Trump is right about Sweden,” Mr.
Castillo said, “that people coming to Europe are terrorists and want to
That nativist rhetoric — that immigrants are invading the homeland — has
gained ever-greater traction, and political acceptance, across the West
amid dislocations wrought by vast waves of migration from the Middle
East, Africa and Latin America. In its most extreme form, it is echoed
in the online manifesto of the man accused of gunning down 22 people
last weekend in El Paso.
In the nationalists’ message-making, Sweden has become a prime
cautionary tale, dripping with schadenfreude. What is even more striking
is how many people in Sweden — progressive, egalitarian, welcoming
Sweden — seem to be warming to the nationalists’ view: that immigration
has brought crime, chaos and a fraying of the cherished social safety
net, not to mention a withering away of national culture and tradition.
Fueled by an immigration backlash — Sweden has accepted more refugees
per capita than any other European country — right-wing populism has
taken hold, reflected most prominently in the steady ascent of a
political party with neo-Nazi roots, the Sweden Democrats. In elections
last year, they captured nearly 18 percent of the vote.
To dig beneath the surface of what is happening in Sweden, though, is to
uncover the workings of an international disinformation machine, devoted
to the cultivation, provocation and amplication of far-right,
anti-immigrant passions and political forces. Indeed, that machine, most
influentially rooted in Vladimir V. Putin’s Russia and the American far
right, underscores a fundamental irony of this political moment: the
globalization of nationalism.
The central target of these manipulations from abroad — and the chief
instrument of the Swedish nationalists’ success — is the country’s
increasingly popular, and virulently anti-immigrant, digital echo chamber.
A New York Times examination of its content, personnel and traffic
patterns illustrates how foreign state and nonstate actors have helped
to give viral momentum to a clutch of Swedish far-right web sites.
Russian and Western entities that traffic in disinformation, including
an Islamaphobic think tank whose former chairman is now Mr. Trump’s
national security adviser, have been crucial linkers to the Swedish
sites, helping to spread their message to susceptible Swedes.
At least six Swedish sites have received financial backing through
advertising revenue from a Russian- and Ukrainian-owned auto-parts
business based in Berlin, whose online sales network oddly contains
buried digital links to a range of far-right and other socially divisive
Writers and editors for the Swedish sites have been befriended by the
Kremlin. And in one strange Rube Goldbergian chain of events, a frequent
German contributor to one Swedish site has been implicated in the
financing of a bombing in Ukraine, in a suspected Russian false-flag
The distorted view of Sweden pumped out by this disinformation machine
has been used, in turn, by anti-immigrant parties in Britain, Germany,
Italy and elsewhere to stir xenophobia and gin up votes, according to
the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a London-based nonprofit that
tracks the online spread of far-right extremism.
“I’d put Sweden up there with the anti-Soros campaign,” said Chloe
Colliver, a researcher for the institute, referring to anti-Semitic
attacks on George Soros, the billionaire benefactor of liberal causes.
“It’s become an enduring centerpiece of the far-right conversation.”
From Margins to Mainstream
Mattias Karlsson, the Sweden Democrats’ international secretary and
chief ideologist, likes to tell the story of how he became a soldier in
what he has described as the “existential battle for our culture’s and
our nation’s survival.”
It was the mid-1990s and Mr. Karlsson, now 41, was attending high school
in the southern city of Vaxjo. Sweden was accepting a record number of
refugees from the Balkan War and other conflicts. In Vaxjo and
elsewhere, young immigrant men began joining brawling “kicker” gangs,
radicalizing Mr. Karlsson and drawing him toward the local skinhead scene.
He took to wearing a leather jacket with a Swedish flag on the back and
was soon introduced to Mats Nilsson, a Swedish National Socialist leader
who gave him a copy of “Mein Kampf.” They began to debate: Mr. Nilsson
argued that the goal should be ethnic purity — the preservation of
“Swedish DNA.” Mr. Karlsson countered that the focus should be on
preserving national culture and identity. That, he said, was when Mr.
Nilsson conferred on him an epithet of insufficient commitment to the
cause — “meatball patriot,” meaning that “I thought that every African
or Arab can come to this country as long as they assimilate and eat
It is an account that offers the most benign explanation for an odious
association. Whatever the case, in 1999, he joined the Sweden Democrats,
a party undeniably rooted in Sweden’s neo-Nazi movement. Indeed,
scholars of the far right say that is what sets it apart from most
anti-immigration parties in Europe and makes its rise from marginalized
to mainstream so remarkable.
The party was founded in 1988 by several Nazi ideologues, including a
former member of the Waffen SS. Early on, it sought international
alliances with the likes of the White Aryan Resistance, a white
supremacist group founded by a former grand dragon of the Ku Klux Klan.
Some Sweden Democrats wore Nazi uniforms to party functions. Its
platform included the forced repatriation of all immigrants since 1970.
That was not, however, a winning formula in a country where social
democrats have dominated every election for more than a century.
While attending university, Mr. Karlsson had met Jimmie Akesson, who
took over the Sweden Democrats’ youth party in 2000 and became party
leader in 2005. Mr. Akesson was outspoken in his belief that Muslim
refugees posed “the biggest foreign threat to Sweden since the Second
World War.” But to make that case effectively, he and Mr. Karlsson
agreed, they needed to remake the party’s image.
“We needed to really address our past,” Mr. Karlsson said.
They purged neo-Nazis who had been exposed by the press. They announced
a “zero tolerance” policy toward extreme xenophobia and racism,
emphasized their youthful leadership and urged members to dress
presentably. And while immigration remained at the center of their
platform, they moderated the way they talked about it.
No longer was the issue framed in terms of keeping certain ethnic groups
out, or deporting those already in. Rather it was about how
unassimilated migrants were eviscerating not just the nation’s cultural
identity but also the social-welfare heart of the Swedish state.
Under the grand, egalitarian idea of the “folkhemmet,” or people’s home,
in which the country is a family and its citizens take care of one
another, Swedes pay among the world’s highest effective tax rates, in
return for benefits like child care, health care, free college education
and assistance when they grow old.
The safety net has come under strain for a host of economic and
demographic reasons, many of which predate the latest refugee flood. But
in the Sweden Democrats’ telling, the blame lies squarely at the feet of
the foreigners, many of whom lag far behind native Swedes in education
and economic accomplishment. One party advertisement depicted a white
woman trying to collect benefits while being pursued by niqab-wearing
immigrants pushing strollers.
To what extent the party’s makeover is just window dressing is an open
The doubts were highlighted in what became known as “the Iron Pipe
Scandal” in 2012. Leaked video showed two Sweden Democrat MPs and the
party’s candidate for attorney general hurling racist slurs at a
comedian of Kurdish descent, then threatening a drunken witness with
Under Mr. Akesson and Mr. Karlsson, the party has hosted the American
white nationalist Richard Spencer. High-ranking party officials have
bounced between Sweden and Hungary, ruled by the authoritarian
nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Mr. Karlsson himself has come
under fire for calling out an extremist site as neo-fascist while using
an alias to recommend posts as “worth reading” to party members.
“There’s a public face and the face they wear behind closed doors,” said
Daniel Poohl, who heads Expo, a Stockholm-based foundation that tracks
Still, even detractors admit that strategy has worked. In 2010, the
Sweden Democrats captured 5.7 percent of the vote, enough for the party,
and Mr. Karlsson, to enter Parliament for the first time. That share has
steadily increased along with the growing population of refugees.
(Today, roughly 20 percent of Sweden’s population is foreign born.)
At its peak in 2015, Sweden accepted 163,000 asylum-seekers, mostly from
Afghanistan, Somalia and Syria. Though border controls and tighter rules
have eased that flow, Ardalan Shekarabi, the country’s public
administration minister, acknowledged that his government had been slow
Mr. Shekarabi, an immigrant from Iran, said the sheer number of refugees
had overwhelmed the government’s efforts to integrate them.
“I absolutely don’t think that the majority of Swedes have racist or
xenophobic views, but they had questions about this migration policy and
the other parties didn’t have any answers,” he said. “Which is one of
the reasons why Sweden Democrats had a case.”
A Right-Wing Echo Chamber
As the 2018 elections approached, Swedish counterintelligence was on
high alert for foreign interference. Russia, the hulking neighbor to the
east, was seen as the main threat. After the Kremlin’s meddling in the
2016 American election, Sweden had reason to fear it could be next.
“Russia’s goal is to weaken Western countries by polarizing the debate,”
said Daniel Stenling, the Swedish Security Service’s counterintelligence
chief. “For the last five years, we have seen more and more aggressive
intelligence work against our nation.”
But as it turned out, there was no hacking and dumping of internal
campaign documents, as in the United States. Nor was there an overt
effort to swing the election to the Sweden Democrats, perhaps because
the party, in keeping with Swedish popular opinion, has become more
critical of the Kremlin than some of its far-right European counterparts.
Instead, security officials say, the foreign influence campaign took a
different, more subtle form: helping nurture Sweden’s rapidly evolving
far-right digital ecosystem.
For years, the Sweden Democrats had struggled to make their case to the
public. Many mainstream media outlets declined their ads. The party even
had difficulty getting the postal service to deliver its mailers. So it
built a network of closed Facebook pages whose reach would ultimately
exceed that of any other party.
But to thrive in the viral sense, that network required fresh, alluring
content. It drew on a clutch of relatively new websites whose popularity
Members of the Sweden Democrats helped create two of them: Samhallsnytt
(News in Society) and Nyheter Idag (News Today). By the 2018 election
year, they, along with a site called Fria Tider (Free Times), were among
Sweden’s 10 most shared news sites.
These sites each reached one-tenth of all Swedish internet users a week
and, according to an Oxford University study, accounted for 85 percent
of the election-related “junk news” — deemed deliberately distorted or
misleading — shared online. There were other sites, too, all injecting
anti-immigrant and Islamophobic messaging into the Swedish political
“Immigration Behind Shortage of Drinking Water in Northern Stockholm,”
read one recent headline. “Refugee Minor Raped Host Family’s Daughter;
Thought It Was Legal,” read another. “Performed Female Genital
Mutilation on Her Children — Given Asylum in Sweden,” read a third.
Russia’s hand in all of this is largely hidden from view. But
For instance, one writer for Samhallsnytt, who previously worked for the
Sweden Democrats, was recently declined parliamentary press
accreditation after the security police determined he had been in
contact with Russian intelligence.
Fria Tider is considered not only one of the most extreme sites, but
also among the most Kremlin-friendly. It frequently swaps material with
the Russian propaganda outlet Sputnik. The site is linked, via domain
ownership records, to Granskning Sverige, called the Swedish “troll
factory” for its efforts to entrap and embarrass mainstream journalists.
Among its frequent targets: journalists who write negatively about Russia.
“We’ve had death threats, spam attacks, emails — this year has been
totally crazy,” said Eva Burman, the editor of Eskilstuna-Kuriren, a
newspaper that found itself in the cross hairs after criticizing the
Russian annexation of Crimea and investigating Granskning Sverige itself.
At the magazine Nya Tider, the editor, Vavra Suk, has traveled to Moscow
as an election observer and to Syria, where he produced Kremlin-friendly
accounts of the civil war. Nya Tider has published work by Alexander
Dugin, an ultranationalist Russian philosopher who has been called
“Putin’s Rasputin”; Mr. Suk’s writings for Mr. Dugin’s think tank
include one titled “Donald Trump Can Make Europe Great Again.”
Nya Tider’s contributors include Manuel Ochsenreiter, editor of Zuerst!,
a German far-right newspaper. Mr. Ochsenreiter — who has appeared
regularly on RT, the Kremlin propaganda channel — worked until recently
for Markus Frohnmaier, a member of the German Bundestag representing the
far-right Alternative for Germany party. Documents leaked to a
consortium of European media outlets — documents that Mr. Frohnmaier has
called fake — have suggested that Moscow aided his election campaign in
order to have an “absolutely controlled MP.”
Mr. Ochsenreiter, for his part, has been implicated in Polish court in
the financing of a 2018 firebombing attack on a Hungarian cultural
center in Ukraine. The plot, according to testimony from a Polish
extremist charged with carrying it out, was designed to pin
responsibility on Ukrainian nationalists and stoke ethnic tensions, to
Russia’s benefit. Mr. Ochsenreiter has not been charged in Poland, but
prosecutors in Berlin said they had begun a preliminary investigation.
He has denied involvement.
Mr. Suk declined to comment.
Then there is Nyheter Idag. Its founder, Chang Frick — a former Sweden
Democrat official who takes a maverick’s glee in his defiance of
orthodoxy — readily admits to being a paid contributor to RT. At a pizza
shop near his home one afternoon, he pointedly noted that his girlfriend
was Russian and, with a flourish, pulled out a wad of rubles from a
“Here is my real boss! It’s Putin!” he laughed.
But Mr. Frick, the son of a Swedish Roma and a Polish Jew, said Nyheter
Idag answered to no one, neither the Sweden Democrats nor the Kremlin,
though he added that his relentless reporting about the problems posed
by immigrants dovetailed with both their agendas.
“People can see what’s happening in the streets,” he said, adding, “I’ve
been accused of being a racist — I’m being ‘paid by the Sweden
Democrats,’ I’m ‘a spy for Russia.’ That just tells me I’m kicking where
Still, he said he had reason to believe that “there is a little bit of
collusion between Russia and some Swedish right-wing media.” One of his
early scoops involved exposing the drinking and womanizing shenanigans
of a Sweden Democrat member of Parliament who had been invited to
Moscow. During that reporting trip, he said, he was invited to serve as
an independent observer in Russia’s presidential election and to meet
He declined the invitation.
There is another curious Russian common denominator: Six of Sweden’s
alt-right sites have drawn advertising revenue from a network of online
auto-parts stores based in Germany and owned by four businessmen from
Russia and Ukraine, three of whom have adopted German-sounding surnames.
The ads were first noticed by the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter,
which discovered that while they appeared to be for a variety of
outlets, all traced back to the same Berlin address and were owned by a
parent company, Autodoc GmbH.
The Times found that the company had also placed ads on anti-Semitic and
other extremist sites in Germany, Hungary, Austria and elsewhere in Europe.
Which raised a question: Was the auto-parts dealer simply trying to drum
up business, or was it also trying to support the far-right cause?
Rikard Lindholm, co-founder of a data-driven marketing firm who has
worked with Swedish authorities to combat disinformation, dug deeper
into the Autodoc network.
Hidden beneath the user-friendly interface of some of the earliest
Autodoc sites lay what Mr. Lindholm, an expert in the forensic analysis
of online traffic, described as “icebergs” of blog-like content
completely unrelated to auto parts, translated into a variety of
languages. A visitor to one of the car-parts sites could not simply
access this content from the home page; instead, one had to know and
type in the full URL.
“It’s like they have a back door and it’s open and you can have a look
around, but to do that you have to know that the door is there,” Mr.
Much of the content was not political. But there were links to posts
about a range of divisive social issues, some of them translated into
other languages. One hidden link — about female genital mutilation in
Muslim countries — had been translated from English to Polish before
being posted. Yet another post, from a site called AnsweringIslam.net,
concluded, “Islam hates you.”
Thomas Casper, a spokesman for Autodoc, said the company had no
“interest at all in supporting alt-right media,” and added, “We
vehemently oppose racism and far-right principles.”
He said the company’s digital advertising team worked with third parties
to place ads on “trusted websites with substantial traffic.” Autodoc, he
said, had instituted controls to try to ensure that it no longer
advertised on far-right sites.
As for the icebergs, after receiving The Times’s inquiry, the company
removed what Mr. Casper called the “obviously dubious and outdated
content.” It had originally been placed there, he said, to improve
search engine optimization.
But Mr. Lindholm said that made no sense. “By linking to irrelevant
content, it actually hurts their business because Google frowns on
that,” he said.
Another way to look inside the explosive growth of Sweden’s alt-right
outlets is to see who is linking to them. The more links, especially
from well-trafficked outlets, the more likely Google is to rank the
sites as authoritative. That, in turn, means that Swedes are more likely
to see them when they search for, say, immigration and crime.
The Times analyzed more than 12 million available links from over 18,000
domains to four prominent far-right sites — Nyheter Idag, Samhallsnytt,
Fria Tider and Nya Tider. The data was culled by Mr. Lindholm from two
search engine optimization tools and represents a snapshot of all known
links through July 2.
As expected, given the relative paucity of Swedish speakers worldwide,
most of the links came from Swedish-language sites.
But the analysis turned up a surprising number of links from
well-trafficked foreign-language sites — which suggests that the Swedish
sites’ rapid growth has been driven to a significant degree from abroad.
“It has the makings, the characteristics, of an operation whose purpose
or goal is to help these sites become relevant by getting them to be
seen as widely as possible,” Mr. Lindholm said.
Over all, more than one in five links were from non-Swedish language
sites. English-language sites, along with Norwegian ones, linked the
most, nearly a million times. But other European-language far-right
sites — Russian but also Czech, Danish, German, Finnish and Polish —
were also frequent linkers.
The Times identified 356 domains that linked to all four Swedish sites.
Many are well known in American far-right circles. Among them is the
Gatestone Institute, a think tank whose site regularly stokes fears
about Muslims in the United States and Europe. Its chairman until last
year was John R. Bolton, now Mr. Trump’s national security adviser, and
its funders have included Rebekah Mercer, a prominent wealthy Trump
Other domains that linked to all four Swedish sites included Stormfront,
one of the oldest and largest American white supremacist sites; Voice of
Europe, a Kremlin-friendly right-wing site; a Russian-language blog
called Sweden4Rus.nu; and FreieWelt.net, a site supportive of the AfD in
This loosely knit global network does not just help increase readership
in Sweden; researchers have tracked how Russian state outlets like RT
and Sputnik, along with Western platforms like Infowars and Breitbart,
have picked up and amplified Swedish immigration-related stories to
galvanize xenophobia among their audiences.
Bjorn Palmertz, a disinformation specialist at the Swedish Defense
University, said this “information laundry” had resulted in globally
viral stories like the one about the Swedish town that allowed a mosque
to issue calls to prayer while denying a church’s application to ring
its bells — never mind that the church had not applied.
“Sweden is portrayed either as a heaven or a hell,” said Annika Rembe,
Sweden’s consul general in New York. “But conservative value-based
politicians in Hungary, Poland, the United States and elsewhere would
use Sweden as an example of a failed state: If you follow this path,
your society will look like Sweden’s.”
The ‘Village of the World’
The auditorium at Rinkebyskolan, a middle school across the street from
Rinkeby’s town square, filled rapidly. Women wearing hijabs and burqas
spilled in, taking their seats on the left. Men sat to the right. From
the speakers came the voice of an imam reading from the Quran.
Developed as part of a 1960s-era government initiative to build a
million affordable dwellings, Rinkeby was originally home to a mix of
Swedes and laborers from southern Europe. Over time it became known as
Sweden’s “Village of the World,” with people from more than 100
countries living in drab, low-slung apartment blocks. Today, more than
91 percent of Rinkeby’s roughly 16,400 residents are immigrants and
At a long table in front of the auditorium sat Niclas Andersson, a
towering man who serves as Rinkeby’s police chief. Once prayers
concluded, the audience began peppering him with questions.
Some worried about drug trafficking inside the apartment complexes,
others about the prevalence of guns. Could the police install more cameras?
To be sure, Mr. Andersson said in an interview afterward, there were
problems in Rinkeby, his posting for 18 years. But it is hardly the
hellscape that nationalists bent on painting Sweden as a failed state
hold it out to be.
Many newcomers still struggle to get a foothold in the job market, so
unemployment is relatively high, at 8.8 percent. And in the larger
Rinkeby-Kista borough, there were 825 reported episodes of violent crime
last year, a rate 36 percent higher per capita than Stockholm as a whole.
But Mr. Andersson does not recognize the Rinkeby portrayed in the movie
— directed by a filmmaker who has shot political ads for Republicans in
Congress — that led Mr. Trump to make his “last night in Sweden”
remarks. Rinkeby is not a no-go zone, Mr. Andersson said, an assertion
supported by the film’s chief cameraman, who has acknowledged that
officers who seemed to suggest otherwise had been edited out of context.
In fact, the number of police officers in Rinkeby has more than
quadrupled since 2015. Assaults and robberies are down, Mr. Andersson
said. Fatal shootings are down, too — of 11 in Stockholm last year, one
was in Rinkeby. Nationally, the violent crime rate is one-fifth that of
the United States.
“It was a heavily slanted picture,” Mr. Andersson said. “You zero in on
a couple of incidents, then use that to describe the whole area.”
By the time Mr. Trump zeroed in on Rinkeby, “the government was tackling
the problems,” said Amela Mahovic, a local reporter for Swedish public
television. When the actual clash broke out soon after, she said,
community elders spread the word to local youths: “You need to stop this.”
But soon, they said, they found that outside forces wanted the world to
see a different picture.
Guleed Mohamed, then a researcher for public television, said he had
spoken to a reporting team from Russia and Ukraine in Rinkeby Square
that week and had tried to ask about Russia.
“They changed the subject to how multiculturalism doesn’t work,” he
recalled. “And then they quickly connected that to the clash — ‘I want
to talk about the riot. Don’t you think this is connected to the influx
Hani Al Saleh, a Syrian who came to Sweden as a teenager, was working as
a guard in Rinkeby. Tall and muscular with a sculpted beard, Mr. Saleh
is known as “Amo,” or uncle, by the local youth. He said three young
immigrants he knew told him that Russian journalists had tried to bribe
them with 400 kronor (about $43) apiece.
“Boys, do you want to do some action in front of the camera?” they said
the Russian journalists asked them.
Mr. Saleh later took a Danish journalist to meet two of the young men.
After searching online, they recognized the logo of the Russian
state-owned news channel NTV, along with the Russians who had made the
The journalist contacted NTV, which denied the whole thing. But besides
Mr. Castillo, the night watchman, The Times found other witnesses who
backed up Mr. Saleh’s account.
Elvir Kazinic and Mustafa Zatara said they were in the square a couple
of days after the clash when they overheard another group of young men
talking about Russian journalists and a 400 krona bribe to fight.
“To stoop to that level and offer kids money,” said Mr. Kazinic, a
Bosnian émigré who serves on Rinkeby’s district council, “that is low.”
Mr. Zatara, a poet, knows well the consequences of stirring up
anti-immigrant racism. His father, Hasan Zatara, a Palestinian, came to
Sweden in 1969, earned a high school diploma and opened a convenience store.
Standing behind the cash register on a January afternoon 27 years ago,
he became the final victim of John Ausonius, a serial shooter who
terrorized immigrant communities, killing one person and wounding 10
others. Hasan Zatara was paralyzed.
Mr. Ausonius later said he was inspired by the anti-immigrant party of
the day, New Democracy.
“When my father was shot in 1992, we had New Democracy,” Mustafa Zatara
said. “Today we have the Sweden Democrats. Then, they wore bomber
jackets and boots. Today, they wear bow ties and suits. It’s normalized
now in the Swedish political corridor.”
Building a Coalition
After the commotion in Rinkeby died down, Russian news agencies kept
calling the police, fruitlessly asking permission to ride with officers
patrolling the district.
“This went on week in and week out,” said Varg Gyllander, the
department’s press officer.
Last September, right after the Swedish elections, the requests abruptly
The Sweden Democrats had their best showing yet. Their nearly 18 percent
share of the vote hamstrung Swedish politics, with the mainstream
parties unable to form a government for more than four months.
The Social Democrats finally formed a shaky coalition that excluded the
Sweden Democrats. But it came at a price: some prominent center-right
politicians are now expressing a willingness to work with the Sweden
Democrats, portending a new political alignment.
In February, the Sweden Democrats’ Mr. Karlsson strode into a
Washington-area hotel where leaders of the American and European right
were gathering for the annual Conservative Political Action Conference.
As he settled in at the lobby bar, straightening his navy three-piece
suit, he was clearly very much at home.
At the conference — where political boot-camp training mixed with
speeches by luminaries like Mr. Trump and the British populist leader
Nigel Farage — Mr. Karlsson hoped to learn about the infrastructure of
the American conservative movement, particularly its funding and use of
the media and think tanks to broaden its appeal. But in a measure of how
nationalism and conservatism have merged in Mr. Trump’s Washington, many
of the Americans with whom he wanted to network were just as eager to
network with him.
Mr. Karlsson had flown in from Colorado, where he had given a speech at
the Steamboat Institute, a conservative think tank. That morning, Tobias
Andersson, 23, the Sweden Democrats’ youngest member of Parliament and a
contributor to Breitbart, had spoken to Americans for Tax Reform, a
bastion of tax-cut orthodoxy.
Now, they found themselves encircled by admirers like Matthew Hurtt, the
director for external relationships at Americans for Prosperity, part of
the billionaire Koch brothers’ political operation, and Matthew Tyrmand,
a board member of Project Veritas, a conservative group that uses
undercover filming to sting its targets.
Mr. Tyrmand, who is also an adviser to a senator from Poland’s
anti-immigration ruling Law and Justice party, was particularly eager.
“You are taking your country back!” he exclaimed.
Mr. Karlsson smiled.
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