[Marxism] The Global Machine Behind the Rise of Far-Right Nationalism

Louis Proyect lnp3 at panix.com
Sun Aug 11 10:31:45 MDT 2019


NY Times, August 11, 2019
The Global Machine Behind the Rise of Far-Right Nationalism
By Jo Becker

RINKEBY, Sweden — Johnny Castillo, a Peruvian-born neighborhood watchman 
in this district of Stockholm, still puzzles over the strange events 
that two years ago turned the central square of this predominantly 
immigrant community into a symbol of multiculturalism run amok.

First came a now-infamous comment by President Trump, suggesting that 
Sweden’s history of welcoming refugees was at the root of a violent 
attack in Rinkeby the previous evening, even though nothing had actually 
happened.

“You look at what’s happening last night in Sweden. Sweden! Who would 
believe this? Sweden!” Mr. Trump told supporters at a rally on Feb. 18, 
2017. “They took in large numbers. They’re having problems like they 
never thought possible.”

The president’s source: Fox News, which had excerpted a short film 
promoting a dystopian view of Sweden as a victim of its asylum policies, 
with immigrant neighborhoods crime-ridden “no-go zones.”

But two days later, as Swedish officials were heaping bemused derision 
on Mr. Trump, something did in fact happen in Rinkeby: Several dozen 
masked men attacked police officers making a drug arrest, throwing rocks 
and setting cars ablaze.

And it was right around that time, according to Mr. Castillo and four 
other witnesses, that Russian television crews showed up, offering to 
pay immigrant youths “to make trouble” in front of the cameras.

“They wanted to show that President Trump is right about Sweden,” Mr. 
Castillo said, “that people coming to Europe are terrorists and want to 
disturb society.”

That nativist rhetoric — that immigrants are invading the homeland — has 
gained ever-greater traction, and political acceptance, across the West 
amid dislocations wrought by vast waves of migration from the Middle 
East, Africa and Latin America. In its most extreme form, it is echoed 
in the online manifesto of the man accused of gunning down 22 people 
last weekend in El Paso.

In the nationalists’ message-making, Sweden has become a prime 
cautionary tale, dripping with schadenfreude. What is even more striking 
is how many people in Sweden — progressive, egalitarian, welcoming 
Sweden — seem to be warming to the nationalists’ view: that immigration 
has brought crime, chaos and a fraying of the cherished social safety 
net, not to mention a withering away of national culture and tradition.

Fueled by an immigration backlash — Sweden has accepted more refugees 
per capita than any other European country — right-wing populism has 
taken hold, reflected most prominently in the steady ascent of a 
political party with neo-Nazi roots, the Sweden Democrats. In elections 
last year, they captured nearly 18 percent of the vote.

To dig beneath the surface of what is happening in Sweden, though, is to 
uncover the workings of an international disinformation machine, devoted 
to the cultivation, provocation and amplication of far-right, 
anti-immigrant passions and political forces. Indeed, that machine, most 
influentially rooted in Vladimir V. Putin’s Russia and the American far 
right, underscores a fundamental irony of this political moment: the 
globalization of nationalism.

The central target of these manipulations from abroad — and the chief 
instrument of the Swedish nationalists’ success — is the country’s 
increasingly popular, and virulently anti-immigrant, digital echo chamber.

A New York Times examination of its content, personnel and traffic 
patterns illustrates how foreign state and nonstate actors have helped 
to give viral momentum to a clutch of Swedish far-right web sites.

Russian and Western entities that traffic in disinformation, including 
an Islamaphobic think tank whose former chairman is now Mr. Trump’s 
national security adviser, have been crucial linkers to the Swedish 
sites, helping to spread their message to susceptible Swedes.

At least six Swedish sites have received financial backing through 
advertising revenue from a Russian- and Ukrainian-owned auto-parts 
business based in Berlin, whose online sales network oddly contains 
buried digital links to a range of far-right and other socially divisive 
content.

Writers and editors for the Swedish sites have been befriended by the 
Kremlin. And in one strange Rube Goldbergian chain of events, a frequent 
German contributor to one Swedish site has been implicated in the 
financing of a bombing in Ukraine, in a suspected Russian false-flag 
operation.

The distorted view of Sweden pumped out by this disinformation machine 
has been used, in turn, by anti-immigrant parties in Britain, Germany, 
Italy and elsewhere to stir xenophobia and gin up votes, according to 
the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a London-based nonprofit that 
tracks the online spread of far-right extremism.

“I’d put Sweden up there with the anti-Soros campaign,” said Chloe 
Colliver, a researcher for the institute, referring to anti-Semitic 
attacks on George Soros, the billionaire benefactor of liberal causes. 
“It’s become an enduring centerpiece of the far-right conversation.”

 From Margins to Mainstream

Mattias Karlsson, the Sweden Democrats’ international secretary and 
chief ideologist, likes to tell the story of how he became a soldier in 
what he has described as the “existential battle for our culture’s and 
our nation’s survival.”

It was the mid-1990s and Mr. Karlsson, now 41, was attending high school 
in the southern city of Vaxjo. Sweden was accepting a record number of 
refugees from the Balkan War and other conflicts. In Vaxjo and 
elsewhere, young immigrant men began joining brawling “kicker” gangs, 
radicalizing Mr. Karlsson and drawing him toward the local skinhead scene.

He took to wearing a leather jacket with a Swedish flag on the back and 
was soon introduced to Mats Nilsson, a Swedish National Socialist leader 
who gave him a copy of “Mein Kampf.” They began to debate: Mr. Nilsson 
argued that the goal should be ethnic purity — the preservation of 
“Swedish DNA.” Mr. Karlsson countered that the focus should be on 
preserving national culture and identity. That, he said, was when Mr. 
Nilsson conferred on him an epithet of insufficient commitment to the 
cause — “meatball patriot,” meaning that “I thought that every African 
or Arab can come to this country as long as they assimilate and eat 
meatballs.”

It is an account that offers the most benign explanation for an odious 
association. Whatever the case, in 1999, he joined the Sweden Democrats, 
a party undeniably rooted in Sweden’s neo-Nazi movement. Indeed, 
scholars of the far right say that is what sets it apart from most 
anti-immigration parties in Europe and makes its rise from marginalized 
to mainstream so remarkable.

The party was founded in 1988 by several Nazi ideologues, including a 
former member of the Waffen SS. Early on, it sought international 
alliances with the likes of the White Aryan Resistance, a white 
supremacist group founded by a former grand dragon of the Ku Klux Klan. 
Some Sweden Democrats wore Nazi uniforms to party functions. Its 
platform included the forced repatriation of all immigrants since 1970.

That was not, however, a winning formula in a country where social 
democrats have dominated every election for more than a century.

While attending university, Mr. Karlsson had met Jimmie Akesson, who 
took over the Sweden Democrats’ youth party in 2000 and became party 
leader in 2005. Mr. Akesson was outspoken in his belief that Muslim 
refugees posed “the biggest foreign threat to Sweden since the Second 
World War.” But to make that case effectively, he and Mr. Karlsson 
agreed, they needed to remake the party’s image.

“We needed to really address our past,” Mr. Karlsson said.

They purged neo-Nazis who had been exposed by the press. They announced 
a “zero tolerance” policy toward extreme xenophobia and racism, 
emphasized their youthful leadership and urged members to dress 
presentably. And while immigration remained at the center of their 
platform, they moderated the way they talked about it.

No longer was the issue framed in terms of keeping certain ethnic groups 
out, or deporting those already in. Rather it was about how 
unassimilated migrants were eviscerating not just the nation’s cultural 
identity but also the social-welfare heart of the Swedish state.

Under the grand, egalitarian idea of the “folkhemmet,” or people’s home, 
in which the country is a family and its citizens take care of one 
another, Swedes pay among the world’s highest effective tax rates, in 
return for benefits like child care, health care, free college education 
and assistance when they grow old.

The safety net has come under strain for a host of economic and 
demographic reasons, many of which predate the latest refugee flood. But 
in the Sweden Democrats’ telling, the blame lies squarely at the feet of 
the foreigners, many of whom lag far behind native Swedes in education 
and economic accomplishment. One party advertisement depicted a white 
woman trying to collect benefits while being pursued by niqab-wearing 
immigrants pushing strollers.

To what extent the party’s makeover is just window dressing is an open 
question.

The doubts were highlighted in what became known as “the Iron Pipe 
Scandal” in 2012. Leaked video showed two Sweden Democrat MPs and the 
party’s candidate for attorney general hurling racist slurs at a 
comedian of Kurdish descent, then threatening a drunken witness with 
iron pipes.

Under Mr. Akesson and Mr. Karlsson, the party has hosted the American 
white nationalist Richard Spencer. High-ranking party officials have 
bounced between Sweden and Hungary, ruled by the authoritarian 
nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban. Mr. Karlsson himself has come 
under fire for calling out an extremist site as neo-fascist while using 
an alias to recommend posts as “worth reading” to party members.

“There’s a public face and the face they wear behind closed doors,” said 
Daniel Poohl, who heads Expo, a Stockholm-based foundation that tracks 
far-right extremism.

Still, even detractors admit that strategy has worked. In 2010, the 
Sweden Democrats captured 5.7 percent of the vote, enough for the party, 
and Mr. Karlsson, to enter Parliament for the first time. That share has 
steadily increased along with the growing population of refugees. 
(Today, roughly 20 percent of Sweden’s population is foreign born.)

At its peak in 2015, Sweden accepted 163,000 asylum-seekers, mostly from 
Afghanistan, Somalia and Syria. Though border controls and tighter rules 
have eased that flow, Ardalan Shekarabi, the country’s public 
administration minister, acknowledged that his government had been slow 
to act.

Mr. Shekarabi, an immigrant from Iran, said the sheer number of refugees 
had overwhelmed the government’s efforts to integrate them.

“I absolutely don’t think that the majority of Swedes have racist or 
xenophobic views, but they had questions about this migration policy and 
the other parties didn’t have any answers,” he said. “Which is one of 
the reasons why Sweden Democrats had a case.”

A Right-Wing Echo Chamber

As the 2018 elections approached, Swedish counterintelligence was on 
high alert for foreign interference. Russia, the hulking neighbor to the 
east, was seen as the main threat. After the Kremlin’s meddling in the 
2016 American election, Sweden had reason to fear it could be next.

“Russia’s goal is to weaken Western countries by polarizing the debate,” 
said Daniel Stenling, the Swedish Security Service’s counterintelligence 
chief. “For the last five years, we have seen more and more aggressive 
intelligence work against our nation.”

But as it turned out, there was no hacking and dumping of internal 
campaign documents, as in the United States. Nor was there an overt 
effort to swing the election to the Sweden Democrats, perhaps because 
the party, in keeping with Swedish popular opinion, has become more 
critical of the Kremlin than some of its far-right European counterparts.

Instead, security officials say, the foreign influence campaign took a 
different, more subtle form: helping nurture Sweden’s rapidly evolving 
far-right digital ecosystem.

For years, the Sweden Democrats had struggled to make their case to the 
public. Many mainstream media outlets declined their ads. The party even 
had difficulty getting the postal service to deliver its mailers. So it 
built a network of closed Facebook pages whose reach would ultimately 
exceed that of any other party.

But to thrive in the viral sense, that network required fresh, alluring 
content. It drew on a clutch of relatively new websites whose popularity 
was exploding.

Members of the Sweden Democrats helped create two of them: Samhallsnytt 
(News in Society) and Nyheter Idag (News Today). By the 2018 election 
year, they, along with a site called Fria Tider (Free Times), were among 
Sweden’s 10 most shared news sites.

These sites each reached one-tenth of all Swedish internet users a week 
and, according to an Oxford University study, accounted for 85 percent 
of the election-related “junk news” — deemed deliberately distorted or 
misleading — shared online. There were other sites, too, all injecting 
anti-immigrant and Islamophobic messaging into the Swedish political 
bloodstream.

“Immigration Behind Shortage of Drinking Water in Northern Stockholm,” 
read one recent headline. “Refugee Minor Raped Host Family’s Daughter; 
Thought It Was Legal,” read another. “Performed Female Genital 
Mutilation on Her Children — Given Asylum in Sweden,” read a third.

Russia’s hand in all of this is largely hidden from view. But 
fingerprints abound.

For instance, one writer for Samhallsnytt, who previously worked for the 
Sweden Democrats, was recently declined parliamentary press 
accreditation after the security police determined he had been in 
contact with Russian intelligence.

Fria Tider is considered not only one of the most extreme sites, but 
also among the most Kremlin-friendly. It frequently swaps material with 
the Russian propaganda outlet Sputnik. The site is linked, via domain 
ownership records, to Granskning Sverige, called the Swedish “troll 
factory” for its efforts to entrap and embarrass mainstream journalists. 
Among its frequent targets: journalists who write negatively about Russia.

“We’ve had death threats, spam attacks, emails — this year has been 
totally crazy,” said Eva Burman, the editor of Eskilstuna-Kuriren, a 
newspaper that found itself in the cross hairs after criticizing the 
Russian annexation of Crimea and investigating Granskning Sverige itself.

At the magazine Nya Tider, the editor, Vavra Suk, has traveled to Moscow 
as an election observer and to Syria, where he produced Kremlin-friendly 
accounts of the civil war. Nya Tider has published work by Alexander 
Dugin, an ultranationalist Russian philosopher who has been called 
“Putin’s Rasputin”; Mr. Suk’s writings for Mr. Dugin’s think tank 
include one titled “Donald Trump Can Make Europe Great Again.”

Nya Tider’s contributors include Manuel Ochsenreiter, editor of Zuerst!, 
a German far-right newspaper. Mr. Ochsenreiter — who has appeared 
regularly on RT, the Kremlin propaganda channel — worked until recently 
for Markus Frohnmaier, a member of the German Bundestag representing the 
far-right Alternative for Germany party. Documents leaked to a 
consortium of European media outlets — documents that Mr. Frohnmaier has 
called fake — have suggested that Moscow aided his election campaign in 
order to have an “absolutely controlled MP.”

Mr. Ochsenreiter, for his part, has been implicated in Polish court in 
the financing of a 2018 firebombing attack on a Hungarian cultural 
center in Ukraine. The plot, according to testimony from a Polish 
extremist charged with carrying it out, was designed to pin 
responsibility on Ukrainian nationalists and stoke ethnic tensions, to 
Russia’s benefit. Mr. Ochsenreiter has not been charged in Poland, but 
prosecutors in Berlin said they had begun a preliminary investigation. 
He has denied involvement.

Mr. Suk declined to comment.

Then there is Nyheter Idag. Its founder, Chang Frick — a former Sweden 
Democrat official who takes a maverick’s glee in his defiance of 
orthodoxy — readily admits to being a paid contributor to RT. At a pizza 
shop near his home one afternoon, he pointedly noted that his girlfriend 
was Russian and, with a flourish, pulled out a wad of rubles from a 
recent trip.

“Here is my real boss! It’s Putin!” he laughed.

But Mr. Frick, the son of a Swedish Roma and a Polish Jew, said Nyheter 
Idag answered to no one, neither the Sweden Democrats nor the Kremlin, 
though he added that his relentless reporting about the problems posed 
by immigrants dovetailed with both their agendas.

“People can see what’s happening in the streets,” he said, adding, “I’ve 
been accused of being a racist — I’m being ‘paid by the Sweden 
Democrats,’ I’m ‘a spy for Russia.’ That just tells me I’m kicking where 
it hurts.”

Still, he said he had reason to believe that “there is a little bit of 
collusion between Russia and some Swedish right-wing media.” One of his 
early scoops involved exposing the drinking and womanizing shenanigans 
of a Sweden Democrat member of Parliament who had been invited to 
Moscow. During that reporting trip, he said, he was invited to serve as 
an independent observer in Russia’s presidential election and to meet 
Mr. Putin.

He declined the invitation.

There is another curious Russian common denominator: Six of Sweden’s 
alt-right sites have drawn advertising revenue from a network of online 
auto-parts stores based in Germany and owned by four businessmen from 
Russia and Ukraine, three of whom have adopted German-sounding surnames.

The ads were first noticed by the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter, 
which discovered that while they appeared to be for a variety of 
outlets, all traced back to the same Berlin address and were owned by a 
parent company, Autodoc GmbH.

The Times found that the company had also placed ads on anti-Semitic and 
other extremist sites in Germany, Hungary, Austria and elsewhere in Europe.

Which raised a question: Was the auto-parts dealer simply trying to drum 
up business, or was it also trying to support the far-right cause?

Rikard Lindholm, co-founder of a data-driven marketing firm who has 
worked with Swedish authorities to combat disinformation, dug deeper 
into the Autodoc network.

Hidden beneath the user-friendly interface of some of the earliest 
Autodoc sites lay what Mr. Lindholm, an expert in the forensic analysis 
of online traffic, described as “icebergs” of blog-like content 
completely unrelated to auto parts, translated into a variety of 
languages. A visitor to one of the car-parts sites could not simply 
access this content from the home page; instead, one had to know and 
type in the full URL.

“It’s like they have a back door and it’s open and you can have a look 
around, but to do that you have to know that the door is there,” Mr. 
Lindholm said.

Much of the content was not political. But there were links to posts 
about a range of divisive social issues, some of them translated into 
other languages. One hidden link — about female genital mutilation in 
Muslim countries — had been translated from English to Polish before 
being posted. Yet another post, from a site called AnsweringIslam.net, 
concluded, “Islam hates you.”

Thomas Casper, a spokesman for Autodoc, said the company had no 
“interest at all in supporting alt-right media,” and added, “We 
vehemently oppose racism and far-right principles.”

He said the company’s digital advertising team worked with third parties 
to place ads on “trusted websites with substantial traffic.” Autodoc, he 
said, had instituted controls to try to ensure that it no longer 
advertised on far-right sites.

As for the icebergs, after receiving The Times’s inquiry, the company 
removed what Mr. Casper called the “obviously dubious and outdated 
content.” It had originally been placed there, he said, to improve 
search engine optimization.

But Mr. Lindholm said that made no sense. “By linking to irrelevant 
content, it actually hurts their business because Google frowns on 
that,” he said.

Links Abroad

Another way to look inside the explosive growth of Sweden’s alt-right 
outlets is to see who is linking to them. The more links, especially 
from well-trafficked outlets, the more likely Google is to rank the 
sites as authoritative. That, in turn, means that Swedes are more likely 
to see them when they search for, say, immigration and crime.

The Times analyzed more than 12 million available links from over 18,000 
domains to four prominent far-right sites — Nyheter Idag, Samhallsnytt, 
Fria Tider and Nya Tider. The data was culled by Mr. Lindholm from two 
search engine optimization tools and represents a snapshot of all known 
links through July 2.

As expected, given the relative paucity of Swedish speakers worldwide, 
most of the links came from Swedish-language sites.

But the analysis turned up a surprising number of links from 
well-trafficked foreign-language sites — which suggests that the Swedish 
sites’ rapid growth has been driven to a significant degree from abroad.

“It has the makings, the characteristics, of an operation whose purpose 
or goal is to help these sites become relevant by getting them to be 
seen as widely as possible,” Mr. Lindholm said.

Over all, more than one in five links were from non-Swedish language 
sites. English-language sites, along with Norwegian ones, linked the 
most, nearly a million times. But other European-language far-right 
sites — Russian but also Czech, Danish, German, Finnish and Polish — 
were also frequent linkers.

The Times identified 356 domains that linked to all four Swedish sites.

Many are well known in American far-right circles. Among them is the 
Gatestone Institute, a think tank whose site regularly stokes fears 
about Muslims in the United States and Europe. Its chairman until last 
year was John R. Bolton, now Mr. Trump’s national security adviser, and 
its funders have included Rebekah Mercer, a prominent wealthy Trump 
supporter.

Other domains that linked to all four Swedish sites included Stormfront, 
one of the oldest and largest American white supremacist sites; Voice of 
Europe, a Kremlin-friendly right-wing site; a Russian-language blog 
called Sweden4Rus.nu; and FreieWelt.net, a site supportive of the AfD in 
Germany.

This loosely knit global network does not just help increase readership 
in Sweden; researchers have tracked how Russian state outlets like RT 
and Sputnik, along with Western platforms like Infowars and Breitbart, 
have picked up and amplified Swedish immigration-related stories to 
galvanize xenophobia among their audiences.

Bjorn Palmertz, a disinformation specialist at the Swedish Defense 
University, said this “information laundry” had resulted in globally 
viral stories like the one about the Swedish town that allowed a mosque 
to issue calls to prayer while denying a church’s application to ring 
its bells — never mind that the church had not applied.

“Sweden is portrayed either as a heaven or a hell,” said Annika Rembe, 
Sweden’s consul general in New York. “But conservative value-based 
politicians in Hungary, Poland, the United States and elsewhere would 
use Sweden as an example of a failed state: If you follow this path, 
your society will look like Sweden’s.”

The ‘Village of the World’

The auditorium at Rinkebyskolan, a middle school across the street from 
Rinkeby’s town square, filled rapidly. Women wearing hijabs and burqas 
spilled in, taking their seats on the left. Men sat to the right. From 
the speakers came the voice of an imam reading from the Quran.

Developed as part of a 1960s-era government initiative to build a 
million affordable dwellings, Rinkeby was originally home to a mix of 
Swedes and laborers from southern Europe. Over time it became known as 
Sweden’s “Village of the World,” with people from more than 100 
countries living in drab, low-slung apartment blocks. Today, more than 
91 percent of Rinkeby’s roughly 16,400 residents are immigrants and 
their children.

At a long table in front of the auditorium sat Niclas Andersson, a 
towering man who serves as Rinkeby’s police chief. Once prayers 
concluded, the audience began peppering him with questions.

Some worried about drug trafficking inside the apartment complexes, 
others about the prevalence of guns. Could the police install more cameras?

To be sure, Mr. Andersson said in an interview afterward, there were 
problems in Rinkeby, his posting for 18 years. But it is hardly the 
hellscape that nationalists bent on painting Sweden as a failed state 
hold it out to be.

Many newcomers still struggle to get a foothold in the job market, so 
unemployment is relatively high, at 8.8 percent. And in the larger 
Rinkeby-Kista borough, there were 825 reported episodes of violent crime 
last year, a rate 36 percent higher per capita than Stockholm as a whole.

But Mr. Andersson does not recognize the Rinkeby portrayed in the movie 
— directed by a filmmaker who has shot political ads for Republicans in 
Congress — that led Mr. Trump to make his “last night in Sweden” 
remarks. Rinkeby is not a no-go zone, Mr. Andersson said, an assertion 
supported by the film’s chief cameraman, who has acknowledged that 
officers who seemed to suggest otherwise had been edited out of context.

In fact, the number of police officers in Rinkeby has more than 
quadrupled since 2015. Assaults and robberies are down, Mr. Andersson 
said. Fatal shootings are down, too — of 11 in Stockholm last year, one 
was in Rinkeby. Nationally, the violent crime rate is one-fifth that of 
the United States.

“It was a heavily slanted picture,” Mr. Andersson said. “You zero in on 
a couple of incidents, then use that to describe the whole area.”

By the time Mr. Trump zeroed in on Rinkeby, “the government was tackling 
the problems,” said Amela Mahovic, a local reporter for Swedish public 
television. When the actual clash broke out soon after, she said, 
community elders spread the word to local youths: “You need to stop this.”

But soon, they said, they found that outside forces wanted the world to 
see a different picture.

Guleed Mohamed, then a researcher for public television, said he had 
spoken to a reporting team from Russia and Ukraine in Rinkeby Square 
that week and had tried to ask about Russia.

“They changed the subject to how multiculturalism doesn’t work,” he 
recalled. “And then they quickly connected that to the clash — ‘I want 
to talk about the riot. Don’t you think this is connected to the influx 
of migrants?’”

Hani Al Saleh, a Syrian who came to Sweden as a teenager, was working as 
a guard in Rinkeby. Tall and muscular with a sculpted beard, Mr. Saleh 
is known as “Amo,” or uncle, by the local youth. He said three young 
immigrants he knew told him that Russian journalists had tried to bribe 
them with 400 kronor (about $43) apiece.

“Boys, do you want to do some action in front of the camera?” they said 
the Russian journalists asked them.

Mr. Saleh later took a Danish journalist to meet two of the young men. 
After searching online, they recognized the logo of the Russian 
state-owned news channel NTV, along with the Russians who had made the 
offer.

The journalist contacted NTV, which denied the whole thing. But besides 
Mr. Castillo, the night watchman, The Times found other witnesses who 
backed up Mr. Saleh’s account.

Elvir Kazinic and Mustafa Zatara said they were in the square a couple 
of days after the clash when they overheard another group of young men 
talking about Russian journalists and a 400 krona bribe to fight.

“To stoop to that level and offer kids money,” said Mr. Kazinic, a 
Bosnian émigré who serves on Rinkeby’s district council, “that is low.”

Mr. Zatara, a poet, knows well the consequences of stirring up 
anti-immigrant racism. His father, Hasan Zatara, a Palestinian, came to 
Sweden in 1969, earned a high school diploma and opened a convenience store.

Standing behind the cash register on a January afternoon 27 years ago, 
he became the final victim of John Ausonius, a serial shooter who 
terrorized immigrant communities, killing one person and wounding 10 
others. Hasan Zatara was paralyzed.

Mr. Ausonius later said he was inspired by the anti-immigrant party of 
the day, New Democracy.

“When my father was shot in 1992, we had New Democracy,” Mustafa Zatara 
said. “Today we have the Sweden Democrats. Then, they wore bomber 
jackets and boots. Today, they wear bow ties and suits. It’s normalized 
now in the Swedish political corridor.”

Building a Coalition

After the commotion in Rinkeby died down, Russian news agencies kept 
calling the police, fruitlessly asking permission to ride with officers 
patrolling the district.

“This went on week in and week out,” said Varg Gyllander, the 
department’s press officer.

Last September, right after the Swedish elections, the requests abruptly 
stopped.

The Sweden Democrats had their best showing yet. Their nearly 18 percent 
share of the vote hamstrung Swedish politics, with the mainstream 
parties unable to form a government for more than four months.

The Social Democrats finally formed a shaky coalition that excluded the 
Sweden Democrats. But it came at a price: some prominent center-right 
politicians are now expressing a willingness to work with the Sweden 
Democrats, portending a new political alignment.

In February, the Sweden Democrats’ Mr. Karlsson strode into a 
Washington-area hotel where leaders of the American and European right 
were gathering for the annual Conservative Political Action Conference. 
As he settled in at the lobby bar, straightening his navy three-piece 
suit, he was clearly very much at home.

At the conference — where political boot-camp training mixed with 
speeches by luminaries like Mr. Trump and the British populist leader 
Nigel Farage — Mr. Karlsson hoped to learn about the infrastructure of 
the American conservative movement, particularly its funding and use of 
the media and think tanks to broaden its appeal. But in a measure of how 
nationalism and conservatism have merged in Mr. Trump’s Washington, many 
of the Americans with whom he wanted to network were just as eager to 
network with him.

Mr. Karlsson had flown in from Colorado, where he had given a speech at 
the Steamboat Institute, a conservative think tank. That morning, Tobias 
Andersson, 23, the Sweden Democrats’ youngest member of Parliament and a 
contributor to Breitbart, had spoken to Americans for Tax Reform, a 
bastion of tax-cut orthodoxy.

Now, they found themselves encircled by admirers like Matthew Hurtt, the 
director for external relationships at Americans for Prosperity, part of 
the billionaire Koch brothers’ political operation, and Matthew Tyrmand, 
a board member of Project Veritas, a conservative group that uses 
undercover filming to sting its targets.

Mr. Tyrmand, who is also an adviser to a senator from Poland’s 
anti-immigration ruling Law and Justice party, was particularly eager. 
“You are taking your country back!” he exclaimed.

Mr. Karlsson smiled.




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